{"id":13042,"date":"2011-03-22T10:22:51","date_gmt":"2011-03-22T15:22:51","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/facultyblog\/?p=13042"},"modified":"2011-03-22T10:25:11","modified_gmt":"2011-03-22T15:25:11","slug":"william-stuntz-r-i-p","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/facultyblog\/2011\/03\/william-stuntz-r-i-p\/","title":{"rendered":"William Stuntz, R.I.P."},"content":{"rendered":"<p>It\u2019s being reported\u00a0that Harvard Law Professor William Stuntz died last week at the tragically young age of 52\u00a0(see the\u00a0<em>Times <\/em>obit\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2011\/03\/21\/us\/21stuntz.html?hpw\">here<\/a>).\u00a0 I never met Stuntz, but I\u2019ve read and been deeply influenced by much of his writing.\u00a0 Indeed, I doubt there is any scholar who has had a more profound influence on my generation of criminal\u00a0procedure professors than Stuntz.\u00a0 He contributed to a fundamental shift in the scholarly agenda from defining the proper scope of\u00a0constitutional rights (which preoccupied the generation that came of age during the Warren Court crim pro revolution and the Burger Court counter-revolution) to studying how rights actually work in the real world of plea-bargaining, over-taxed criminal-justice systems, and dysfunctional tough-on-crime politics.\u00a0 In the real world, he taught us over and over again, the law on the books (whether Supreme Court decisions on constitutional rights or legislative decisions on substantive criminal law) doesn\u2019t necessarily matter much, and well-meaning attempts to improve the law on the books are apt to backfire and produce even worse outcomes than the status quo.<\/p>\n<p>Here are three insights I picked up from Stuntz that have been particularly important to my own work:<\/p>\n<p><!--more--><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>You can be skeptical of the Warren Court rights revolution without having a vicious, or even indifferent, attitude toward the well-being of criminal defendants \u2014 indeed, in the real world, new rights may end up harming defendants more than helping them.<\/li>\n<li>In a\u00a0system of high sentences, routine plea-bargaining, and judicial unwillingness to second-guess prosecutorial decisions,\u00a0the preferences of prosecutors\u00a0may be more important than the legislatively enacted criminal code in determining who is convicted of what and how they are punished.<\/li>\n<li>Public demand for, and legislative supply of, overbroad criminal laws does not necessarily mean that anyone actually wants these laws to be applied in a literal or indiscriminate fashion; new criminal laws are adopted against a backdrop of broad prosecutorial discretion, and are perhaps best understood as a way of giving new tools to prosecutors rather than as inflexible penal mandates.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Stuntz\u2019s most important article may be\u00a0<em>The Pathological Politics of Criminal Law<\/em>, 100 Mich. L. Rev. 505 (2001).\u00a0 I see this article cited all the time, and the notion that criminal-law politics are \u201cpathological\u201d has become almost a truism among scholars.\u00a0 I would recommend the article to anyone interested in an introduction to the work of this extraordinarily creative and insightful author.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>It\u2019s being reported\u00a0that Harvard Law Professor William Stuntz died last week at the tragically young age of 52\u00a0(see the\u00a0Times obit\u00a0here).\u00a0 I never met Stuntz, but I\u2019ve read and been deeply influenced by much of his writing.\u00a0 Indeed, I doubt there is any scholar who has had a more profound influence on my generation of criminal\u00a0procedure 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