{"id":2518,"date":"2022-01-27T10:33:06","date_gmt":"2022-01-27T16:33:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/?p=2518"},"modified":"2022-01-27T10:33:06","modified_gmt":"2022-01-27T16:33:06","slug":"marquette-law-poll-guide-justice-breyer-data-from-u-s-supreme-court-surveys-2019-22","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/2022\/01\/27\/marquette-law-poll-guide-justice-breyer-data-from-u-s-supreme-court-surveys-2019-22\/","title":{"rendered":"Marquette Law Poll Guide: Justice Breyer data from U.S. Supreme Court surveys, 2019-22"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Presented by Dr. Charles Franklin, director of the Marquette Law School Poll<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

MILWAUKEE \u2014Even to the day it was reported that Justice Stephen Breyer is retiring from the U.S. Supreme Court, he consistently ranked as the justice whom the fewest Americans know.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In results released on Wednesday, Jan. 26,<\/a> before word of Breyer\u2019s plans circulated, the Marquette Law School Poll’s Supreme Court Survey found that only 21% of people nationwide said they knew enough about Breyer to have an opinion about him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But, Breyer\u2019s impending departure from the Court puts on the front burner the nomination and confirmation process for members of the Court, and the Marquette Law Poll surveys provide insight into public opinion about how those steps have been handled in recent years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Marquette Law Poll has examined nationwide opinion about the Supreme Court six times, beginning in 2019. This news release describes what has been found about opinions of Breyer and of the way court selections have been handled.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Justice Breyer Favorability<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Justice Breyer has consistently been the least well-known justice among the general public, with fewer than 25% able to offer an opinion of him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 1 shows the public\u2019s ability to rate, and the favorability ratings, of all nine justices in the Jan. 10-21, 2022, survey. All numbers in tables are percentages.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 1: Recognition and favorability ratings of justices, January 2022<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Justice<\/strong><\/td>Able to rate<\/strong><\/td>Net favorability<\/strong><\/td>Favorable<\/strong><\/td>Unfavorable<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Samuel Alito<\/td>26<\/td>6<\/td>16<\/td>10<\/td><\/tr>
Amy Barrett<\/td>46<\/td>-2<\/td>22<\/td>24<\/td><\/tr>
Stephen Breyer<\/td>21<\/td>7<\/td>14<\/td>7<\/td><\/tr>
Neil Gorsuch<\/td>29<\/td>1<\/td>15<\/td>14<\/td><\/tr>
Elena Kagan<\/td>28<\/td>8<\/td>18<\/td>10<\/td><\/tr>
Brett Kavanaugh<\/td>53<\/td>-11<\/td>21<\/td>32<\/td><\/tr>
John Roberts<\/td>38<\/td>12<\/td>25<\/td>13<\/td><\/tr>
Sonia Sotomayor<\/td>50<\/td>20<\/td>35<\/td>15<\/td><\/tr>
Clarence Thomas<\/td>55<\/td>5<\/td>30<\/td>25<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The trend in favorability of Justice Breyer is shown in Table 2.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 2: Percent of people nationwide who rated Justice Breyer, and their ratings, September 2019-January 2022<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Poll date<\/strong><\/td>Able to rate<\/strong><\/td>Net favorability<\/strong><\/td>Favorable<\/strong><\/td>Unfavorable<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>16<\/td>6<\/td>11<\/td>5<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>18<\/td>6<\/td>12<\/td>6<\/td><\/tr>
July 16-26, 2021<\/td>24<\/td>12<\/td>18<\/td>6<\/td><\/tr>
Jan, 10-21, 2022<\/td>21<\/td>7<\/td>14<\/td>7<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

\u201cShould Justice Breyer retire?\u201d from July 16-26, 2021<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the Marquette Law Poll\u2019s Supreme Court survey of July 2021, a national sample of 1,010 adults were asked about the role of partisan control of the presidency and Senate in the timing of Supreme Court retirements.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A majority of the public thought that justices should not consider partisan control of the presidency and Senate when deciding the timing of their retirements. However, when given information that some Democrats were urging Justice Stephen Breyer to retire while there was a Democratic president and Democratic control of the Senate, more people supported a justice\u2019s retiring with politics in mind, although it remained a minority overall.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When asked, \u201cDo you think justices should consider the party in control of the White House and Senate as they decide when to retire?\u201d 28% said justices should consider party control, while 72% said they should not consider this. This item was asked of a random half of all those surveyed at the time. The other random half of respondents was provided more information and context in the form of an alternative question: \u201cJustice Stephen Breyer is 82 years old and the oldest member of the Court. He was nominated to the court in 1994 by President Clinton. Some Democrats are urging Breyer to retire now while there are a Democratic president and Senate. Do you think Justices should consider the party in control of the White House and Senate as they decide when to retire?\u201d With this wording, 39% said justices should consider party control, while 60 percent said they should not.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The partisan information in the question boosted support for political timing of retirements across partisan identification among respondents, especially Democrats, as shown in Tables 3 and 4.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 3: \u201cDo you think Justices should consider the party in control of the White House and senate as they decide when to retire?,\u201d July 2021<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Party ID<\/strong><\/td>Consider party control<\/strong><\/td>Not consider party control<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>16<\/td>84<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>26<\/td>74<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>41<\/td>59<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Table 4: \u201cJustice Stephen Breyer is 82 years old and the oldest member of the Court. He was nominated to the court in 1994 by President Clinton. Some Democrats are urging Breyer to retire now while there<\/em> are a Democratic president and senate. Do you think Justices should consider the party in control of the White House and senate as they decide when to retire?,\u201d July 2021<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Party ID<\/strong><\/td>Consider party control<\/strong><\/td>Not consider party control<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>23<\/td>77<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>37<\/td>61<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>58<\/td>42<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Importance of the next nomination to the Supreme Court<\/strong><\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since 2019, the Marquette Law Poll\u2019s national Supreme Court survey has asked how important the next Supreme Court appointment is to the respondent. There has been only a little change in public opinion during this time, although Democrats became somewhat more concerned, until that percentage dropped in November 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 5: \u201cHow important is the choice of the next Supreme Court justice to you personally?,\u201d September 2019-Nov. 2021<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Very important<\/strong><\/td>Somewhat important<\/strong><\/td>Not too important<\/strong><\/td>Not at all important<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>47<\/td>31<\/td>15<\/td>7<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>48<\/td>34<\/td>13<\/td>4<\/td><\/tr>
July 16-26, 2021<\/td>51<\/td>30<\/td>14<\/td>4<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>52<\/td>31<\/td>14<\/td>3<\/td><\/tr>
Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>45<\/td>33<\/td>17<\/td>5<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Importance of the next nomination to the Supreme Court, by party identification<\/strong><\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Democrats saw Court nominations as more important to them than did Republicans in 2020 and 2021, although the percentage of Democrats saying \u201cvery important\u201d fell in November 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 6: \u201cHow important is the choice of the next Supreme Court Justice to you personally?\u201d by party identification, September 2019-Nov. 2021<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Party ID<\/strong><\/td>Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Very important<\/strong><\/td>Somewhat important<\/strong><\/td>Not too important<\/strong><\/td>Not at all important<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>53<\/td>29<\/td>15<\/td>3<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>48<\/td>33<\/td>14<\/td>4<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>July 16-26, 2021<\/td>48<\/td>29<\/td>15<\/td>8<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>51<\/td>35<\/td>11<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>43<\/td>42<\/td>13<\/td>3<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>38<\/td>34<\/td>16<\/td>11<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>39<\/td>37<\/td>16<\/td>8<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>July 16-26, 2021<\/td>46<\/td>33<\/td>15<\/td>5<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>44<\/td>33<\/td>18<\/td>5<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>45<\/td>27<\/td>20<\/td>8<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>54<\/td>29<\/td>12<\/td>4<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>56<\/td>32<\/td>10<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>July 16-26, 2021<\/td>60<\/td>28<\/td>11<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>64<\/td>24<\/td>11<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>47<\/td>34<\/td>17<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Perception of the ideological orientation of the Court<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since 2019, the Marquette Law School Poll\u2019s Supreme Court Survey has asked respondents to describe their perception of the Court\u2019s ideological location. The percentage of the public characterizing the Court as conservative increased between September 2020 and July 2021, after Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg was replaced by Justice Amy Coney Barrett. (The September 2020 survey was completed before Ginsburg\u2019s death.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2019 and 2020, the wording was \u201cvery conservative, conservative, moderate, liberal or very liberal.\u201d This was changed in 2021-22 to \u201cvery conservative, somewhat conservative, moderate, somewhat liberal or very liberal.\u201d Table 7 below collapses responses to three categories to reduce any effect due to the use of \u201csomewhat\u201d or not and to simplify exposition. Table 8 shows the uncollapsed results.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 7: \u201cIn general, would you describe each of the following as \u2026 ?\u2026 The US Supreme Court?,\u201d September 2019-January 2022<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Conservative<\/strong><\/td>Moderate<\/strong><\/td>Liberal<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>38<\/td>50<\/td>11<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>35<\/td>54<\/td>11<\/td><\/tr>
July 16-26, 2021<\/td>50<\/td>42<\/td>7<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>51<\/td>40<\/td>9<\/td><\/tr>
Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>51<\/td>39<\/td>9<\/td><\/tr>
Jan, 10-21, 2022<\/td>54<\/td>35<\/td>10<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Table 8: \u201cIn general, would you describe each of the following as \u2026 ?\u2026 The US Supreme Court?<\/em>,\u201d September 2019-January 2022<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Very conservative<\/strong><\/td>Somewhat conservative<\/strong><\/td>Moderate<\/strong><\/td>Somewhat liberal<\/strong><\/td>Very liberal<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>5<\/td>33<\/td>50<\/td>9<\/td>3<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>5<\/td>30<\/td>54<\/td>9<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
July 16-26, 2021<\/td>13<\/td>37<\/td>42<\/td>6<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>16<\/td>35<\/td>40<\/td>7<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>15<\/td>35<\/td>39<\/td>8<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Jan. 10-21, 2022<\/td>17<\/td>38<\/td>35<\/td>8<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Perception of the ideological orientation of the Court, by party identification<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Perceptions of the ideological tilt of the Court are strongly related to partisanship, and partisan views have shifted over time. (As with the immediately previous pair of tables, Table 9 collapses responses to three categories to reduce any effect due to the use of \u201csomewhat\u201d or not and to simply exposition, while Table 10 shows the uncollapsed results. See the paragraph before Table 7 for a brief elaboration on the precise words given respondents as options in answering.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 9: \u201cIn general, would you describe each of the following as \u2026 ?\u2026 The US Supreme Court?,\u201d September 2019-January 2022<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Party ID<\/strong><\/td>Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Conservative<\/strong><\/td>Moderate<\/strong><\/td>Liberal<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>27<\/td>58<\/td>14<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>29<\/td>57<\/td>15<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>July 16-26, 2021<\/td>32<\/td>59<\/td>9<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>35<\/td>46<\/td>19<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>34<\/td>54<\/td>12<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Jan. 10-21, 2022<\/td>33<\/td>51<\/td>16<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>35<\/td>55<\/td>9<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>32<\/td>57<\/td>11<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>July 16-26, 2021<\/td>49<\/td>41<\/td>9<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>44<\/td>49<\/td>7<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>47<\/td>40<\/td>12<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Jan. 10-21, 2022<\/td>52<\/td>37<\/td>11<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>50<\/td>38<\/td>11<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>45<\/td>48<\/td>7<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>July 16-26, 2021<\/td>68<\/td>29<\/td>3<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>74<\/td>21<\/td>5<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>70<\/td>27<\/td>3<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Jan. 10-21, 2022<\/td>76<\/td>20<\/td>5<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Table 10: \u201cIn general, would you describe each of the following as \u2026 ?\u2026 The US Supreme Court?,\u201d September 2019-January 2022<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Party ID<\/strong><\/td>Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Very conservative<\/strong><\/td>Somewhat conservative<\/strong><\/td>Moderate<\/strong><\/td>Somewhat liberal<\/strong><\/td>Very liberal<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>4<\/td>23<\/td>58<\/td>11<\/td>3<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>5<\/td>24<\/td>57<\/td>13<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>July 16-26, 2021<\/td>7<\/td>25<\/td>59<\/td>8<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>2<\/td>33<\/td>46<\/td>15<\/td>3<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>7<\/td>28<\/td>54<\/td>10<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Jan. 10-21, 2022<\/td>4<\/td>30<\/td>51<\/td>11<\/td>5<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>4<\/td>31<\/td>55<\/td>7<\/td>3<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>4<\/td>28<\/td>57<\/td>9<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>July 16-26, 2021<\/td>9<\/td>40<\/td>41<\/td>7<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>12<\/td>32<\/td>49<\/td>5<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>12<\/td>35<\/td>40<\/td>11<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Jan. 10-21, 2022<\/td>11<\/td>40<\/td>37<\/td>9<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>8<\/td>42<\/td>38<\/td>9<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>7<\/td>37<\/td>48<\/td>5<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>July 16-26, 2021<\/td>25<\/td>43<\/td>29<\/td>3<\/td>0<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>34<\/td>40<\/td>21<\/td>4<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>27<\/td>43<\/td>27<\/td>2<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Jan. 10-21, 2022<\/td>35<\/td>41<\/td>20<\/td>5<\/td>0<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Knowledge of the composition of the Supreme Court<\/strong><\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A majority of the Court has been appointed by Republican presidents during all the Marquette Law School Poll surveys since 2019, but public awareness of this is far from universal. In six national surveys, no more than a third of respondents have said there is \u201cdefinitely a majority appointed by Republican presidents,\u201d while between 44 and 53% have said the majority was \u201cprobably\u201d appointed by Republican presidents. Between 20 and 30% of respondents have said that Democratic presidents probably or definitely appointed the majority of the justices.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 11: \u201cWhat is your guess as to whether a majority of the current US Supreme Court Justices were appointed by Democratic or Republican presidents?,\u201d September 2019-January 2022<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Definitely a majority appointed by Democratic presidents<\/strong><\/td>Probably a majority appointed by Democratic presidents<\/strong><\/td>Probably a majority appointed by Republican presidents<\/strong><\/td>Definitely a majority appointed by Republican presidents<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>4<\/td>23<\/td>53<\/td>19<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>4<\/td>24<\/td>51<\/td>21<\/td><\/tr>
July 16-26, 2021<\/td>4<\/td>20<\/td>45<\/td>30<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>4<\/td>22<\/td>46<\/td>29<\/td><\/tr>
Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>5<\/td>23<\/td>44<\/td>28<\/td><\/tr>
Jan. 10-21, 2022<\/td>2<\/td>21<\/td>44<\/td>33<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Knowledge of the composition of the Court by <\/strong><\/a>party identification<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Republicans are less likely to say the majority of justices were definitely appointed by Republican presidents than are Democrats.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 12: \u201cWhat is your guess as to whether a majority of the current US Supreme Court Justices were appointed by Democratic or Republican presidents?,\u201d by party identification, September 2019-January 2022<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Party ID<\/strong><\/td>Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Definitely a majority appointed by Democratic presidents<\/strong><\/td>Probably a majority appointed by Democratic presidents<\/strong><\/td>Probably a majority appointed by Republican presidents<\/strong><\/td>Definitely a majority appointed by Republican presidents<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>4<\/td>31<\/td>50<\/td>14<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>4<\/td>31<\/td>49<\/td>16<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>July 16-26, 2021<\/td>6<\/td>24<\/td>53<\/td>16<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>8<\/td>24<\/td>51<\/td>18<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>6<\/td>27<\/td>46<\/td>21<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Jan. 10-21, 2022<\/td>3<\/td>28<\/td>40<\/td>29<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>4<\/td>23<\/td>55<\/td>16<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>3<\/td>24<\/td>50<\/td>21<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>July 16-26, 2021<\/td>2<\/td>23<\/td>45<\/td>28<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>2<\/td>24<\/td>51<\/td>24<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>3<\/td>21<\/td>52<\/td>23<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Jan. 10-21, 2022<\/td>2<\/td>21<\/td>48<\/td>28<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>5<\/td>16<\/td>53<\/td>26<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>5<\/td>17<\/td>53<\/td>24<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>July 16-26, 2021<\/td>5<\/td>13<\/td>38<\/td>44<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>3<\/td>18<\/td>34<\/td>46<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>7<\/td>22<\/td>31<\/td>40<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Jan. 10-21, 2022<\/td>3<\/td>15<\/td>41<\/td>42<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Justifications for voting against qualified nominee<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The following items were asked in the Marquette Law School Poll\u2019s Supreme Court survey conducted Sept. 8-15, 2020, before Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg\u2019s death on Sept. 18. The items were also asked in September 2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 13: \u201cIf a nominee for the U.S. Supreme Court is qualified and has no ethical problems, would U.S. Senators be justified or not justified in voting against that nominee simply because of how they believe the Justice would decide cases on issues such as abortion, gun control, or affirmative action?,\u201d September 2019 and September 2020<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Justified in voting against the nominee<\/strong><\/td>Not justified in voting against the nominee<\/strong><\/td>NA\/Refused<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>37<\/td>61<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>41<\/td>58<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Table 14: \u201cIf a nominee for the U.S. Supreme Court is qualified and has no ethical problems, would U.S. Senators be justified or not justified in voting against that nominee simply because the Senator is from a different political party from the President who made the nomination?,\u201d September 2019 and September 2020<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Justified in voting against the nominee<\/strong><\/td>Not justified in voting against the nominee<\/strong><\/td>NA\/Refused<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>19<\/td>79<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>21<\/td>78<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Justifications for voting to reject a nominee, by party <\/strong><\/a>identification<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Neither Republicans nor Democrats were eager overall to support rejecting nominees solely on partisan grounds, with Democrats slightly more willing to reject a nominee on policy differences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 15: \u201cIf a nominee for the U.S. Supreme Court is qualified and has no ethical problems, would U.S. Senators be justified or not justified in voting against that nominee simply because of how they believe the Justice would decide cases on issues such as abortion, gun control, or affirmative action?,\u201d by party identification, September 2019 and September 2020<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Party ID<\/strong><\/td>Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Justified in voting against the nominee<\/strong><\/td>Not justified in voting against the nominee<\/strong><\/td>NA\/Refused<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>36<\/td>63<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>39<\/td>60<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>33<\/td>66<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>36<\/td>62<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>43<\/td>55<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>47<\/td>52<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Table 16: \u201cIf a nominee for the U.S. Supreme Court is qualified and has no ethical problems, would U.S. Senators be justified or not justified in voting against that nominee simply because the Senator is from a different political party from the president who made the nomination?,\u201d by party identification, September 2019 and September 2020<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Party ID<\/strong><\/td>Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Justified in voting against the nominee<\/strong><\/td>Not justified in voting against the nominee<\/strong><\/td>NA\/Refused<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>20<\/td>79<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>21<\/td>79<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>17<\/td>81<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>17<\/td>81<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>21<\/td>76<\/td>3<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>24<\/td>74<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Should nominees declare their views on specific cases<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is a longstanding practice of nominees not discussing during the confirmation process specific cases that may come before the Court, or even past decisions. The public is evenly split on whether nominees should declare their positions, and there are modest partisan differences on this.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 17: \u201cShould nominees to the Supreme Court be required to publicly declare how they would vote on controversial cases such as gun rights or abortion rights before they are confirmed to the Court?,\u201d September 2020<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Should declare positions<\/strong><\/td>Should not be required to declare positions<\/strong><\/td>NA\/Refused<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>51<\/td>48<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Table 18: \u201cShould nominees to the Supreme Court be required to publicly declare how they would vote on controversial cases such as gun rights or abortion rights before they are confirmed to the Court?,\u201d by party identification, September 2020<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Party identification<\/strong><\/td>Should declare positions<\/strong><\/td>Should not be required to declare positions<\/strong><\/td>NA\/Refused<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>52<\/td>47<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>42<\/td>56<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>58<\/td>41<\/td>0<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

`<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What justices should consider in reaching decisions<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The following items were asked in the Marquette Law School Poll\u2019s Supreme Court survey conducted Sept. 8-15, 2020, with a national sample of 1,523 adults.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite growing partisan division over appointments to the Court, four-in-five respondents (82%) said justices should ignore the positions of political parties when making decisions, while 18% said they should support one of the parties as part of their decisions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Relative to that small group pointing to political parties<\/em>, more respondents, 44%, said the justices should consider public opinion<\/em> about a case in reaching their decisions, while 55% said they should not consider public opinion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The practice of following previous opinions of the Court, or stare decisis<\/em>, has played a significant role in recent confirmation hearings, often focusing on the 1973 decision of Roe v. Wade<\/em>, but 81% said the justices should overturn previous decisions if a majority believes the case was wrongly decided, while 18% said the Court should follow the previous decision whenever possible.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On holding hearings on Court nominees<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In polls in September 2019 and September 2020, respondents were asked about President Barack Obama\u2019s nomination of Merrick Garland to the Court being blocked in 2016 and whether hearings should be held in 2020 if there was a vacancy. The 2020 survey was completed days before the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg on Sept. 18, 2020.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 19: \u201cIn February 2016, following the death of Justice Antonin Scalia, Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell announced that the Senate would not consider or hold hearings on any nominee President Obama might name during an election year. In March, Obama nominated Judge Merrick Garland to the Supreme Court. The Senate did not hold a hearing and the nomination expired in January 2017. Was not holding a hearing on the nomination the right thing or the wrong thing to do?,\u201d September 2019 and September 2020<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Right thing to do<\/strong><\/td>Wrong thing to do<\/strong><\/td>NA\/Refused<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>26<\/td>73<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>25<\/td>73<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Table 20: \u201cIf there is a vacancy on the Supreme Court during the 2020 presidential election year and President Trump nominates someone, what should the Senate do?,\u201d September 2019 and September 2020<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Hold hearings<\/strong><\/td>Not hold hearings<\/strong><\/td>NA\/Refused<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>69<\/td>30<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>67<\/td>32<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Nomination hearings by party identification<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2019 and 2020, there were sharp partisan differences over the lack of hearings for Garland in 2016. There was not as much of a partisan divide over potential hearings in 2020 (this was asked before Ginsburg\u2019s death).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 21: \u201cIn February 2016, following the death of Justice Antonin Scalia, Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell announced that the Senate would not consider or hold hearings on any nominee President Obama might name during an election year. In March, Obama nominated Judge Merrick Garland to the Supreme Court. The Senate did not hold a hearing and the nomination expired in January 2017. Was not holding a hearing on the nomination the right thing or the wrong thing to do?,\u201d by party identification, September 2019 and September 2020<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Party ID<\/strong><\/td>Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Right thing to do<\/strong><\/td>Wrong thing to do<\/strong><\/td>NA\/Refused<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>45<\/td>54<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>45<\/td>54<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>26<\/td>73<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>20<\/td>78<\/td>2<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>13<\/td>87<\/td>0<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>15<\/td>84<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Table 22: \u201cIf there is a vacancy on the Supreme Court during the 2020 presidential election year and President Trump nominates someone, what should the Senate do?,\u201d by party identification, September 2019 and September 2020<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Party ID<\/strong><\/td>Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Hold hearings<\/strong><\/td>Not hold hearings<\/strong><\/td>NA\/Refused<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>72<\/td>27<\/td>0<\/td><\/tr>
Republican<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>68<\/td>31<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>73<\/td>26<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Independent<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>71<\/td>28<\/td>1<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>62<\/td>37<\/td>0<\/td><\/tr>
Democrat<\/td>Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>63<\/td>37<\/td>0<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Perceptions of trends in Court rulings<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

While few citizens outside the legal profession read Supreme Court decisions, the public does develop an impression of the direction the Court takes over time. Across several topics, Table 19 shows how the public thinks the Court has expanded or reduced the rights of various groups over the past \u201c15 years or so.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 23: Perception of the expansion or reduction of rights for various groups, September 2021<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rights of\u2026<\/strong><\/td>Expanded rights<\/strong><\/td>Reduced rights<\/strong><\/td>Net expanded<\/strong><\/td>Has not changed much either way<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
LGTB people<\/td>77<\/td>8<\/td>69<\/td>15<\/td><\/tr>
Campaign donors<\/td>39<\/td>15<\/td>24<\/td>46<\/td><\/tr>
Minority voters<\/td>38<\/td>23<\/td>15<\/td>39<\/td><\/tr>
Religious people and groups<\/td>33<\/td>21<\/td>12<\/td>45<\/td><\/tr>
Gun owners<\/td>27<\/td>27<\/td>0<\/td>45<\/td><\/tr>
Abortion seekers<\/td>23<\/td>45<\/td>-22<\/td>32<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

About the Marquette Law School Poll<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The surveys were conducted with adults nationwide, with samples of 1,000 to 1,500 adults. Interviews were conducted in 2019 and 2020 by the National Opinion Research Center (NORC), using its AmeriSpeak Panel, a national probability sample, with interviews conducted online. In 2021 and 2022, the survey was conducted using the SSRS Opinion Panel, a national probability sample with interviews conducted online. The detailed methodology statement, survey instrument, topline results, and crosstabs for each release are available at https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/category\/results-and-data\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The polling dates, sample size, and margin of error for each survey are as follows:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Table 24: Poll dates, sample size, and margin of error for all Marquette Law School Poll nationwide Supreme Court Surveys, 2019-2022<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Poll dates<\/strong><\/td>Sample size<\/strong><\/td>Margin of error<\/strong><\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 3-13, 2019<\/td>1423<\/td>3.5<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 8-15, 2020<\/td>1523<\/td>3.3<\/td><\/tr>
July 16-26, 2021<\/td>1010<\/td>3.9<\/td><\/tr>
Sept. 7-16, 2021<\/td>1411<\/td>3.4<\/td><\/tr>
Nov. 1-10, 2021<\/td>1004<\/td>3.9<\/td><\/tr>
Jan. 10-21, 2022<\/td>1000<\/td>4.0<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Presented by Dr. Charles Franklin, director of the Marquette Law School Poll MILWAUKEE \u2014Even to the day it was reported that Justice Stephen Breyer is retiring from the U.S. Supreme Court, he consistently ranked as the justice whom the fewest Americans know. In results released on Wednesday, Jan. 26, before word of Breyer\u2019s plans circulated, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"ocean_post_layout":"","ocean_both_sidebars_style":"","ocean_both_sidebars_content_width":0,"ocean_both_sidebars_sidebars_width":0,"ocean_sidebar":"","ocean_second_sidebar":"","ocean_disable_margins":"enable","ocean_add_body_class":"","ocean_shortcode_before_top_bar":"","ocean_shortcode_after_top_bar":"","ocean_shortcode_before_header":"","ocean_shortcode_after_header":"","ocean_has_shortcode":"","ocean_shortcode_after_title":"","ocean_shortcode_before_footer_widgets":"","ocean_shortcode_after_footer_widgets":"","ocean_shortcode_before_footer_bottom":"","ocean_shortcode_after_footer_bottom":"","ocean_display_top_bar":"default","ocean_display_header":"default","ocean_header_style":"","ocean_center_header_left_menu":"","ocean_custom_header_template":"","ocean_custom_logo":0,"ocean_custom_retina_logo":0,"ocean_custom_logo_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_tablet_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_mobile_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_max_height":0,"ocean_custom_logo_tablet_max_height":0,"ocean_custom_logo_mobile_max_height":0,"ocean_header_custom_menu":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_family":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_subset":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_size":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_unit":"px","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight_tablet":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight_mobile":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform_tablet":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform_mobile":"","ocean_menu_typo_line_height":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_unit":"","ocean_menu_typo_spacing":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_unit":"","ocean_menu_link_color":"","ocean_menu_link_color_hover":"","ocean_menu_link_color_active":"","ocean_menu_link_background":"","ocean_menu_link_hover_background":"","ocean_menu_link_active_background":"","ocean_menu_social_links_bg":"","ocean_menu_social_hover_links_bg":"","ocean_menu_social_links_color":"","ocean_menu_social_hover_links_color":"","ocean_disable_title":"default","ocean_disable_heading":"default","ocean_post_title":"","ocean_post_subheading":"","ocean_post_title_style":"","ocean_post_title_background_color":"","ocean_post_title_background":0,"ocean_post_title_bg_image_position":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_attachment":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_repeat":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_size":"","ocean_post_title_height":0,"ocean_post_title_bg_overlay":0.5,"ocean_post_title_bg_overlay_color":"","ocean_disable_breadcrumbs":"default","ocean_breadcrumbs_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_separator_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_links_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_links_hover_color":"","ocean_display_footer_widgets":"default","ocean_display_footer_bottom":"default","ocean_custom_footer_template":"","ocean_post_oembed":"","ocean_post_self_hosted_media":"","ocean_post_video_embed":"","ocean_link_format":"","ocean_link_format_target":"self","ocean_quote_format":"","ocean_quote_format_link":"post","ocean_gallery_link_images":"on","ocean_gallery_id":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[17],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2518","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-poll-release","entry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2518","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2518"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2518\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2519,"href":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2518\/revisions\/2519"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2518"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2518"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/law.marquette.edu\/poll\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2518"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}