Protecting Workers in a Federal System

Paul Secunda has a new pair of working papers on SSRN, entitled “The Ironic Necessity for State Protection of Workers” and “More of Less: The Limits of Minimalism and Self-Regulation.”  These are his opening and closing statements in a debate with Jeffrey Hirsch for PENNumbra.  Paul takes the position that the federal government is doing a poor job of protecting American workers, noting a lack of capacity or will to engage in robust enforcement of statutes likes the National Labor Relations Act and the Occupational Safety and Health Act.  As a result, he would like to see states play a more active role in workplace regulation. 

These short papers touch on an important, longstanding debate in federalism theory: whether each field of social regulation ought to be handled exclusively at a particular level of government (federal, state, or local), or whether shared responsibilities ought to be the norm.  The exclusivity model was dominant through much of this nation’s history, but was almost entirely supplanted in the middle decades of the last century by a cooperative federalism model.  As someone who worries a lot about transparency and accountability in government, I confess to some unease about the opaque, complex federal-state-local arrangements that now predominate in nearly every major field of public policy (environmental protection, crime, health care, education, housing, transportation, etc.).  On the other hand, if the mechanisms of democratic accountability do not operate well, the exclusivity model can lend itself to agency capture, bureaucratic inertia, and regulatory stagnation–which is (I take it) how Paul would characterize the present state of federal labor and employment law.

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Begay, Begone! ACCA, Aaak!

I’ve posted recently on some of the fallout from the Supreme Court’s April decision in Begay v.United States, but not yet commented on Begay itself.  It is a remarkable case.  After twelve convictions in state court for DUI, Begay was convicted in federal court for being a felon in possession of a firearm.  The sentencing judge found that his prior DUI felony convictions qualified Begay for a fifteen-year mandatory minimum sentence under the Armed Career Criminal Act, which applies to felon-in-possession defendants who have at least three prior convictions for a “violent felony.”  The Supreme Court reversed, determining that DUI is a not a “violent felony.”  I think this was the right result, but it was reached by the wrong means.

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Shut Up, I’m Talking!

is the title of a great book by Gregory Levey that I read this summer about his surprising journey from law school to speechwriter for the Prime Minister of Israel. Levey is a Canadian who, after surviving his first year of law school at an unnamed New York law school decided that he needed a break and planned to join the Israeli army. I imagine that one of the reasons the law school remains unnamed is, as Levey puts it, when thinking about his reasons for joining the Israeli army, “Anyone who’s ever gone to law school will understand when I say that, at the time, the risk of being shot at or blown up by Islamic Jihad, or perhaps kidnapped by the Hezbollah and taken to Iran to be tortured and murdered, seemed almost preferable to the notion of continuing to suffer through another semester of classes.”

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