Why Milwaukee’s Parking Enforcement System Might Be Unconstitutional

When it comes to parking enforcement, the City of Milwaukee has a problem. Local media have concluded from interviews and public records that the City issues parking tickets without paying close attention to whether they are warranted. In 2011 alone, the City reportedly canceled over 38,000 parking tickets, often because they were plainly unjustified. Nearly 8,000 tickets, for example, were issued for “expired” parking meters that in fact had not expired. Given personal experience, I have little doubt that these figures are accurate.

The extremely high number of unwarranted tickets is not an accident. Instead, it appears to be the result of a policy to issue tickets indiscriminately for the singular purpose of revenue enhancement. The City’s manager for parking enforcement practically admits as much; he recently told a local news station that the policy “is to issue the citation and straighten it out later.” Media coverage suggests that the City implements this policy through an informal quota system: Several employees of the Department of Public Works have revealed that supervisors expect enforcement personnel to issue certain numbers of tickets per shift for specified areas, and that supervisors punish those who fail to meet quotas by handing out undesirable shift hours. In other words, enforcement personnel are under the gun; unless they want to work at 3:00 in the morning, they have to issue bushels of tickets. Because this system appears to give credit even for unjustified citations, there is little incentive for personnel to make sure that they issue citations only when deserved. So the high error rate is no surprise. The effect is to impose upon thousands of law-abiding residents the burden of either paying a fine or establishing the absence of a violation. For many, the hassle is worse than the dollar value of the fine.

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Diplomatic Premises Immunity in the Case of Julian Assange

For the past two months, Julian Assange has been staying at Ecuador’s embassy to the United Kingdom to avoid arrest in England, extradition to Sweden on sexual assault charges, and possible extradition from Sweden to the United States for charges connected with Wikileaks’ disclosure of State Department cables in 2010. The UK has demanded that Ecuador hand over Assange, but today Ecuador officially refused. In response, British officials have threatened to suspend the embassy’s diplomatic immunity so that they can enter the embassy grounds and make the arrest.

The dispute raises a question that Britain has encountered before. In 1984, during an anti-Gaddafi demonstration outside the Libyan embassy in London, someone inside the embassy shot and killed a British law enforcement officer who was policing the protest near the embassy grounds. The British government, however, had no legal means of arresting the shooter. The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations had established that the premises of a diplomatic mission “shall be inviolable,” that “agents of [a] receiving State may not enter them, except with the consent of the head of the mission,” and that the premises “shall be immune from search . . . .” Libya, moreover, refused to allow entry and search. This dissatisfying result eventually led Parliament to pass a law called the Diplomatic and Consular Premises Act of 1987.

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Questions from the Awlaki Litigation

In August 2010, the father of Anwar al-Awlaki filed a federal lawsuit alleging that his son’s inclusion on CIA and DoD “kill lists” violated the Constitution and international law. The court dismissed the suit for lack of standing and for raising a political question. Several months later, the CIA killed Awlaki and two other U.S. citizens in aerial drone strikes in Yemen. Now the ACLU and Center for Constitutional Rights have responded by filing a separate lawsuit challenging the government’s use of the drones. The defendants are Leon Panetta, David Petraeus, and two other senior military officials, and the complaint alleges that the killings violated the Fourth and Fifth Amendments and the Bill of Attainder Clause. Given the relatedness of the lawsuits and the dismissal of the first on the basis of the political question doctrine, I think there’s very little chance that the second succeeds. But it still raises interesting issues.

One concerns precedent—has the United States ever carried out targeted killings against its own citizens? The answer is yes; the U.S. military has targeted and killed individuals without judicial process notwithstanding their U.S. citizenship. The most significant example comes from the Civil War, during which the Union killed tens of thousands of Confederate soldiers. One might argue that those soldiers were no longer U.S. citizens because they were fighting for the Confederacy, but that position is inconsistent with the view—supported by the Supreme Court’s decision in Texas v. White (1869)—that secession was unconstitutional. As long as secession was invalid, then the Confederacy was void and did not dissolve the U.S. citizenship of its soldiers. More isolated examples appear to have occurred during World War II, when the United States fought against Nazi forces that included some U.S. citizens of German descent. And of course federal law enforcement officers have occasionally killed criminal suspects who presented significant and immediate threats to the public. If the United States has acted permissibly in these cases, then the extrajudicial killing of a U.S. citizen is not unconstitutional per se.

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