Seventh Circuit Demands “Intellectual Discipline” at Sentencing

seventh circuitIt’s almost like Judge Easterbrook read my article.  I have a forthcoming piece in the Marquette Law Review arguing that appellate courts ought generally to demand more rigor of trial judges in explaining their sentences and specifically to require greater attention to objective benchmarks.  Not surprisingly, I was quite pleased to read the Seventh Circuit’s opinion earlier this week in United States v. Kirkpatrick (No. 09-2382) (Easterbrook, J.), in which the court called for “intellectual discipline” at sentencing and vacated a sentence because the district judge failed to use the sentencing guidelines as an initial benchmark.

Here’s what happened.  Following his arrest for unlawful gun possession, Kirkpatrick confessed to four murders and then told his cellmate that he had arranged a contract hit on a federal agent.  After more than 200 hundred hours of investigation, law enforcement officials determined that all of these claims were false.  (Why Kirkpatrick would confess to four murders he did not actually commit is a mystery to me.)  With a conviction only for the gun-possession crime, Kirkpatrick’s guidelines range was calculated to be 37-46 months.  The district judge, however, felt he deserved more because of the false statements and the wasted law enforcement effort they caused.  So the sentence actually imposed was 108 months — more than twice the guidelines maximum. 

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Political Clout and the Lack Thereof

It’s a basic tenet of American political systems that there are checks and balances, with each branch of a government unit  operating with powers that are not controlled by other branches.

Consider what is about to unfold in the Wisconsin Legislature a particularly vivid lesson in that.

Gov. Jim Doyle has called a special session of the Legislature for Wednesday to consider two proposals, one of them dealing with control of Milwaukee Public Schools, giving almost all of that control to the mayor of Milwaukee, and one dealing with what to do about chronically low performing schools in the state, giving broad power to the state superintendent of public instruction to take control of such schools and change them.  

A month ago, President Barack Obama and Secretary of Education Arne Duncan came to Madison to make an appearance that had a strong subtext of urging that these proposals be supported. Doyle strongly backs them, as does Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett.

So you have the president, the secretary of education, the governor and the mayor of the state’s largest city, all of them Democrats, asking the Democratically-controlled Legislature to take up and approve these ideas.

And what’s most likely to happen? Nothing, at least for now.

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Natural Law and Legal Education

Last week a student contacted me via email to say he was having difficulty preparing for my exam.  His nervousness, the student said, derived from training as a “law-student machine” whose job was to memorize and regurgitate rules.  He feared that my exam would ask him to do something different than that.

I think the student has subsequently found that my exam was not so odd after all, and I am confident that he did well.  However, his comment led me to reflect on the thrust of legal education at the four law schools at which I’ve taught.  The schools rarely inspire law-related creativity and imagination.  Students think (and are asked to think) so much about what the laws are that they almost never focus on how to modify, reform, or redo the laws.  They do not ask what the laws might be.

What are the causes of this phenomenon? 

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