Marquette Law School Poll – Page 19 – A Comprehensive Look at the Wisconsin Vote

New Marquette Law School Poll finds inflation fears up, pandemic fears down; marijuana legalization up, optimism about Wisconsin down; primary candidates not yet well known.

Post author:Charles Franklin
Post published:March 2, 2022
Post category:Poll Release

MILWAUKEE — With just more than five months until Wisconsin’s Aug. 9 primary election, a new Marquette Law School Poll survey of state voters finds that about half of both Republican and Democratic voters say they don’t know whom they support in the races for the Democratic nomination for the U.S. Senate and the Republican nomination for governor.

Small percentages of voters have opinions about any of the candidates with two exceptions. Even in the case of those two candidates, no more than half of voters have an opinion, favorable or unfavorable.

The poll finds 51% of registered voters saying they don’t know whom they will support in the Republican primary for governor or the Democratic primary for U.S. Senate. Forty-six percent say they support one of the current candidates, with the remainder saying they won’t vote in a primary or will vote for someone else or declining to say.

It is not unusual to see half of registered voters undecided with more than five months to go before the primary, but the high percentage of undecided is a vivid reminder that the primaries are not uppermost in voters’ minds at this point. Among those who say they are “very enthusiastic” about voting this year, 53% have a primary-vote choice, but 43% say they don’t know whom they will support. Among those less enthusiastic about voting, 35% have a chosen candidate and 63% don’t know whom they will support.

This poll interviewed 802 registered Wisconsin voters by landline or cell phone Feb. 22-27, 2022. The margin of error is +/-3.8 percentage points for the full sample. Some items were asked of half the sample. Primary-vote choices have a sample size of 363 for the Republican primary and 354 for the Democratic primary, with margins of error of +/-5.8 and +/-5.7 for the Republican and Democratic primaries respectively. Republican primary voters include Republicans and independents who lean Republican plus independents who do not lean to either party but who say they will vote in the Republican primary; similarly for “Democratic primary voters.”

Republican and Democratic primary voters are about equally unsure of their primary preferences. In the Republican gubernatorial primary, 54% are unsure of their choice, and 48% of Democratic voters unsure of their U.S. Senate primary vote.

The candidates are not yet familiar to most voters. Table 1 shows the percentage of voters who say they haven’t heard enough or can’t give a favorable or unfavorable opinion with respect to each Republican primary candidate. Rebecca Kleefisch is the best known, although half of voters are unable to say if they have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of her. Some 80% lack an opinion of Kevin Nicholson, and 86% are unable to rate Tim Ramthun. The candidates are only a little better known among Republicans and independents who say they will vote in the Republican primary, as shown in Table 2.

Table 1: Name recognition and favorability of Republican candidates, among all registered voters

Name	Haven’t heard or don’t know	Favorable	Unfavorable
Rebecca Kleefisch	50	23	26
Kevin Nicholson	80	10	9
Tim Ramthun	86	4	9

Table 2: Name recognition and favorability of Republican candidates, among Republicans and independents voting in the Republican primary

Name	Haven’t heard or don’t know	Favorable	Unfavorable
Rebecca Kleefisch	50	39	10
Kevin Nicholson	73	18	8
Tim Ramthun	84	5	10

Kleefisch and Nicholson have run for political office previously and were better known during those campaigns. Table 3 shows Kleefisch’s favorability in Marquette Law School Poll surveys since 2012, and Table 4 shows Nicholson’s ratings during his 2018 primary campaign for U.S. Senate.

Table 3: Trend in Kleefisch name recognition and favorability, among all registered voters

Poll dates	Haven’t heard or don’t know	Favorable	Unfavorable
May 9-12, 2012	44	25	31
May 23-26, 2012	36	30	33
Oct. 9-12, 2014	45	29	25
Sept. 24-28, 2015	49	21	29
Oct. 3-7, 2018	42	32	26
Oct. 24-28, 2018	40	32	27
Feb. 22-27, 2022	50	23	26

Table 4: Trend in Nicholson name recognition and favorability, among all registered voters

Poll dates	Haven’t heard or don’t know	Favorable	Unfavorable
Feb. 25-3/1, 2018	85	7	7
June 13-17, 2018	69	18	13
July 11-15, 2018	69	17	14
Feb. 22-27, 2022	80	10	9

Among Democratic primary candidates, Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes is the best known, followed by Alex Lasry, although both are unfamiliar to more than 60% of registered voters, as shown in Table 5. Table 6 shows familiarity and favorability among Democrats and independents who say they will vote in the Democratic primary.

Table 5: Name recognition and favorability of Democratic candidates, among all registered voters

Name	Haven’t heard or don’t know	Favorable	Unfavorable
Mandela Barnes	62	22	14
Alex Lasry	73	16	10
Tom Nelson	85	7	8
Sarah Godlewski	88	5	6
Chantia Lewis	90	4	5
Darrell Williams	93	3	3
Adam Murphy	93	3	3
Gillian Battino	93	3	3
Kou Lee	93	3	3
Jeff Rumbaugh	94	3	3
Steven Olikara	94	2	3
Peter Peckarsky	94	1	5

Note: Battino dropped out of the senate primary after the poll began.

Table 6: Name recognition and favorability of Democratic candidates, among Democrats and independents voting in the Democratic primary

Name	Haven’t heard or don’t know	Favorable	Unfavorable
Mandela Barnes	53	43	4
Alex Lasry	65	29	6
Tom Nelson	81	11	7
Sarah Godlewski	84	10	6
Chantia Lewis	89	7	3
Kou Lee	92	5	2
Peter Peckarsky	93	2	4
Darrell Williams	94	4	2
Jeff Rumbaugh	94	3	3
Steven Olikara	94	3	2
Gillian Battino	95	4	2
Adam Murphy	95	3	2

Note: Battino dropped out of the senate primary after the poll began.

Barnes’ familiarity and favorability have been measured in four Marquette polls since 2018, with the trend shown in Table 7.

Table 7: Trend in Barnes’ name recognition and favorability, among all registered voters

Poll dates	Haven’t heard or don’t know	Favorable	Unfavorable
Oct. 3-7, 2018	76	14	9
Oct. 24-28, 2018	78	13	8
Jan. 16-20, 2019	76	16	7
Feb. 22-27, 2022	62	22	14

Primary vote choice

The best-known candidates are leading their respective primaries at this early stage of the campaign. Among Republicans and independents who say they will vote in the Republican primary, Rebecca Kleefisch is the choice of 30%, Kevin Nicholson is preferred by 8%, Tim Ramthun is supported by 5%, and 54% say they don’t know whom they will vote for. Table 8 shows all response categories.

Table 8: Vote choice in Republican gubernatorial primary, among Republicans and independents who say they will vote in the Republican primary

Response	Percent
Rebecca Kleefisch	30
Kevin Nicholson	8
Tim Ramthun	5
Someone else	1
Will not vote in Republican primary	1
Don’t know	54
Refused	2

In the Democratic U.S. Senate primary, Mandela Barnes is supported by 23%, Alex Lasry is supported by 13%, Tom Nelson is the choice of 5%, and Sarah Godlewski is preferred by 3%. The full set of candidate preferences is shown in Table 9.

Table 9: Vote choice in Democratic gubernatorial primary, among Democrats and independents who say they will vote in the Democratic primary, by percentage (*=less than .5%)

Response	Percent
Mandela Barnes	23
Alex Lasry	13
Tom Nelson	5
Sarah Godlewski	3
Chantia Lewis	2
Adam Murphy	2
Gillian Battino	1
Peter Pecarsky	*
Darrell Williams	*
Kou Lee	0
Steven Olikara	0
Jeff Rumbaugh	0
Won’t vote in this primary	3
Don’t know	48

Note: Battino dropped out of the senate primary after the poll began.

Approval ratings

Forty-three percent of voters approve of the job President Joe Biden is doing, 52% disapprove, and 3% say they don’t know. The trend in Biden’s approval is shown in Table 10.

Table 10: Biden approval trend, August 2021-February 2022

Poll dates	Approve	Disapprove	Don’t know	Refused
Aug. 3-8, 2021	49	46	4	0
Oct. 26-31, 2021	43	53	4	1
Feb. 22-27, 2022	43	52	3	2

Gov. Tony Evers’ job approval stands at 50%, while 41% disapprove. When last measured in October 2021, 45% approved and 46% disapproved. The trend in Evers’ job approval is shown in Table 11.

Table 11: Evers approval trend, January 2019-February 2022

Poll dates	Approve	Disapprove	Don’t know	Refused
Jan. 16-20, 2019	39	22	38	1
April 3-7, 2019	47	37	15	0
Aug. 25-29, 2019	54	34	10	1
Oct. 13-17, 2019	52	34	13	1
Nov. 13-17, 2019	47	42	10	1
Dec. 3-8, 2019	50	38	11	1
Jan. 8-12, 2020	51	40	9	0
Feb. 19-23, 2020	51	38	10	1
March 24-29, 2020	65	29	6	1
May 3-7, 2020	59	33	7	1
June 14-18, 2020	54	38	6	1
Aug. 4-9, 2020	57	37	6	0
Aug. 30-9/3, 2020	51	43	5	2
Sept. 30-Oct. 4, 2020	52	42	5	1
Oct. 21-25, 2020	50	43	7	0
Aug. 3-8, 2021	50	43	7	0
Oct. 26-31, 2021	45	46	8	1
Feb. 22-27, 2022	50	41	8	1

The Wisconsin legislature has a job approval rate of 37%, while 46% disapprove and 16% say they don’t know. The trend in approval of the legislature is shown in Table 12.

Table 12: Approval of the Wisconsin legislature trend, January 2019-February 2022

Poll dates	Approve	Disapprove	Don’t know	Refused
Jan. 16-20, 2019	52	31	16	1
April 3-7, 2019	50	38	11	1
Aug. 25-29, 2019	52	38	8	1
Nov. 13-17, 2019	48	39	13	0
Feb. 19-23, 2020	46	40	13	1
May 3-7, 2020	46	40	13	1
Oct. 21-25, 2020	36	50	13	1
Aug. 3-8, 2021	39	48	13	1
Oct. 26-31, 2021	38	48	14	1
Feb. 22-27, 2022	37	46	16	2

Favorability

Sen. Ron Johnson is viewed favorably by 33% of voters and unfavorably by 45%, with 21% saying they haven’t heard enough or don’t know. The trend in favorability for Johnson since 2019 is shown in Table 13.

Table 13: Johnson favorability trend, January 2019-February 2022

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
Jan. 16-20/19	44	28	23	5	0
April 3-7/19	40	32	24	5	0
Aug. 25-29, 2019	40	29	25	6	0
Oct. 13-17, 2019	40	29	24	6	0
Nov. 13-17, 2019	39	29	24	7	0
Dec. 3-8, 2019	36	34	26	4	1
Jan. 8-12, 2020	39	29	28	3	0
Feb. 19-23, 2020	37	34	24	5	1
March 24-29, 2020	35	32	29	4	0
May 3-7, 2020	38	34	23	5	1
June 14-18, 2020	35	32	29	3	0
Aug. 4-9, 2020	33	35	27	4	0
Aug. 30-Sept. 3, 2020	32	36	28	5	0
Sept. 30-Oct. 4, 2020	35	31	27	7	0
Oct. 21-25, 2020	38	36	23	3	1
Aug. 3-8, 2021	35	42	20	3	0
Oct. 26-31, 2021	36	42	18	4	0
Feb. 22-27, 2022	33	45	17	4	1

Sen. Tammy Baldwin is rated favorably by 42% of voters and unfavorably by 36%, with 21% lacking an opinion of her. The trend in favorability to Baldwin since 2019 is shown in Table 14.

Table 14: Baldwin favorability trend, January 2019-February 2022

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
Jan. 16-20, 2019	45	41	11	3	0
April 3-7, 2019	44	43	10	3	0
Aug. 25-29, 2019	44	40	13	3	0
Oct. 13-17, 2019	46	39	11	3	0
Nov. 13-17, 2019	39	43	12	5	1
Dec. 3-8, 2019	42	39	14	3	1
Jan. 8-12, 2020	44	40	13	2	0
Feb. 19-23, 2020	43	40	13	3	1
March 24-29, 2020	40	39	16	4	0
May 3-7, 2020	45	37	14	3	1
June 14-18, 2020	40	38	19	3	0
Aug. 4-9, 2020	43	36	17	3	0
Aug. 30-Sept. 3, 2020	42	35	19	3	1
Sept. 30-Oct. 4, 2020	41	35	20	3	0
Oct. 21-25, 2020	44	36	15	4	0
Aug. 3-8, 2021	40	38	19	3	0
Oct. 26-31, 2021	38	39	19	3	0
Feb. 22-27, 2022	42	36	18	3	1

Assembly Speaker Robin Vos is not well-known statewide, despite his position and tenure as a legislative leader. This is in part a reflection of the fact that each member of the 99-seat Assembly represents just over 1% of the state population and is seldom well-known outside his or her district. Overall, 13% of Wisconsin voters have a favorable view of Vos, 28% have an unfavorable opinion, and 59% say they haven’t heard enough or don’t know. The trend in favorability to Vos is shown in Table 15.

Table 15: Vos favorability trend, January 2019-February 2022

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
Jan. 16-20, 2019	13	17	59	11	0
April 3-7, 2019	14	21	56	10	0
Aug. 25-29, 2019	15	20	52	13	0
Feb. 22-27, 2022	13	28	50	9	1

Unfavorability to Vos among Republicans and independents has increased a bit since 2019. The trends by party are shown in Table 16.

Table 16: Vos favorability by party trend, January 2019-February 2022

Party ID	Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	Jan. 16-20, 2019	21	6	62	11	0
Republican	April 3-7, 2019	22	6	60	11	0
Republican	Aug. 25-29, 2019	26	7	53	14	0
Republican	Feb. 22-27, 2022	21	16	56	7	1
Independent	Jan. 16-20, 2019	11	11	61	17	0
Independent	April 3-7, 2019	11	18	56	13	2
Independent	Aug. 25-29, 2019	6	20	65	9	0
Independent	Feb. 22-27, 2022	4	22	55	15	3
Democrat	Jan. 16-20, 2019	4	30	56	9	0
Democrat	April 3-7, 2019	5	37	51	7	0
Democrat	Aug. 25-29, 2019	5	32	50	12	0
Democrat	Feb. 22-27, 2022	8	41	42	8	1

Favorability to former President Donald Trump is at 36%, with an unfavorable opinion at 57% and 5% not expressing an opinion. Trump’s favorability trend is shown in Table 17.

Table 17: Trump favorability trend, January 2019-February 2022

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
Jan. 16-20, 2019	42	53	2	3	0
April 3-7, 2019	45	51	1	2	1
Aug. 25-29, 2019	42	53	1	3	1
Oct. 13-17, 2019	43	52	1	3	1
Nov. 13-17, 2019	46	50	2	1	1
Dec. 3-8, 2019	45	50	2	2	2
Jan. 8-12, 2020	46	51	0	1	1
Feb. 19-23, 2020	45	50	3	2	0
March 24-29, 2020	45	50	2	3	0
May 3-7, 2020	44	51	2	2	1
June 14-18, 2020	42	54	2	2	1
Aug. 4-9, 2020	42	55	2	1	0
Aug. 30-Sept. 3, 2020	42	54	2	1	1
Sept. 30-Oct. 4, 2020	42	53	2	2	0
Oct. 21-25, 2020	44	54	1	1	1
Aug. 3-8, 2021	38	55	3	4	1
Oct. 26-31, 2021	38	57	2	3	0
Feb. 22-27, 2022	36	57	2	3	2

Direction of the state

Thirty-nine percent of voters say the state of Wisconsin is headed in the right direction, while 53% say it is on the wrong track. In October 2021, 41% said it was moving in the right direction and 51% said it was on the wrong track. Negative views rose sharply in 2021 and have remained little changed. The trend in this opinion is shown in Table 18.

Table 18: Right direction or wrong track trend, January 2019-February 2022

Poll dates	Right direction	Wrong track	Don’t know	Refused
Jan. 16-20, 2019	57	33	10	0
April 3-7, 2019	52	40	8	0
Aug. 25-29, 2019	55	37	8	0
Oct. 13-17, 2019	53	39	7	1
Jan. 8-12, 2020	46	47	6	1
Feb. 19-23, 2020	52	39	8	0
Mar. 24-29, 2020	61	30	9	1
Aug. 3-8, 2021	39	52	9	0
Oct. 26-31, 2021	41	51	7	1
Feb. 22-27, 2022	39	53	8	1

Issue concerns

There is a high level of concern over inflation, with 68% saying they are very concerned and 28% saying they are somewhat concerned. Only 4% are not too concerned or not at all concerned about inflation. Worries about inflation rose from August to October 2021, and are up slightly in February 2022, as shown in Table 19.

Table 19: Concern over inflation trend, August 2021-February 2022

Poll dates	Very concerned	Somewhat concerned	Not too concerned	Not at all concerned	Don’t know	Refused
Aug. 3-8, 2021	49	35	11	3	0	0
Oct. 26-31, 2021	64	28	6	1	0	0
Feb. 22-27, 2022	68	28	3	1	0	0

Thirty-one percent said they are very concerned about unemployment, with 35% somewhat concerned, 20% not too concerned, and 13% not at all concerned. This question was not asked earlier. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Wisconsin’s unemployment rate was 2.8% in December 2021, the most recent available estimate before this survey.

Concern over illegal immigration has fluctuated but is currently about the same as in August 2021. The full trend is shown in Table 20.

Table 20: Concern over illegal immigration trend, August 2021-February 2022

Poll dates	Very concerned	Somewhat concerned	Not too concerned	Not at all concerned	Don’t know	Refused
Aug. 3-8, 2021	37	24	21	18	0	0
Oct. 26-31, 2021	43	25	19	12	1	0
Feb. 22-27, 2022	36	24	19	20	1	0

Concern over the coronavirus “here in Wisconsin” was lower than for the economic issues, with 27% saying they were very concerned, 34% somewhat concerned, 21% not too concerned, and 18% not at all concerned.

Concern about the coronavirus pandemic was asked concerning “the United States” rather than “here in Wisconsin” in earlier surveys. That previous trend is shown in Table 21.

Table 21: Concern over coronavirus in United States trend, March 2020-October 2021

Poll dates	Very concerned	Somewhat concerned	Not very concerned	Not concerned at all	Don’t know	Refused
Mar. 24-29, 2020	68	25	5	2	0	0
May 3-7, 2020	50	31	12	7	0	0
Oct. 26-31, 2021	40	34	14	11	1	0

The decision to close businesses and schools in 2020 due to the coronavirus is seen as an appropriate response by 61% but as an overreaction by 35%. The initial reaction was overwhelming support, which has declined over time, as shown in Table 22.

Table 22: View of closing schools and businesses due to coronavirus trend, March 2020-February 2022

Poll dates	Appropriate response	Overreaction	Don’t know	Refused
Mar. 24-29, 2020	86	10	3	0
May 3-7, 2020	69	26	4	1
June 14-18, 2020	72	25	3	0
Oct. 21-25, 2020	68	26	5	0
Aug. 3-8, 2021	62	35	2	1
Feb. 22-27, 2022	61	35	3	0

Fifty-three percent say they trust Evers as a source of information about the virus either “a great deal” or “a fair amount,” while 43% say they trust him not much or not at all. Thirty-one percent trust Johnson “a great deal” or “a fair amount” for coronavirus information, with 61% saying they trust him “not much” or “not at all.” The full set of response options for October 2021 and February 2022 is shown in Table 23 for Evers and Table 24 for Johnson.

Table 23: Trust Evers for coronavirus information trend, October 2021-February 2022

Poll dates	A great deal	A fair amount	Not much	Not at all	Don’t Know	Refused
Oct. 26-31, 2021	24	29	18	27	3	0
Feb. 22-27, 2022	26	27	17	26	4	1

Table 24: Trust Johnson for coronavirus information trend, October 2021-February 2022

Poll dates	A great deal	A fair amount	Not much	Not at all	Don’t Know	Refused
Oct. 26-31, 2021	13	26	16	38	7	0
Feb. 22-27, 2022	13	18	17	44	8	0

Education issues

The question of who should have the biggest role in determining public school curriculum produces varied answers, with 35% saying parents, 33% saying teachers, 13% saying school boards, and 9% saying superintendents and principals. Five percent say state legislators should have the major role in curriculum.

On this issue, there is a divide along party lines, with Republicans and independents giving parents the larger role and Democrats assigning it to teachers, as shown in Table 25.

Table 25: Who should play biggest role in school curriculum, by party, February 2022

Party ID	Teachers	School Boards	Parents	Superintendents and principals	State legislators	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	17	11	56	5	6	4	0
Independent	29	7	43	8	4	8	1
Democrat	53	16	9	14	5	4	0

A policy of “allowing all students statewide to use publicly funded vouchers to attend private or religious schools” is supported by 59% and opposed by 37%. When last asked in August 2020, the question was worded as to whether a respondent agreed or disagreed with a policy to “provide tax-funded vouchers to be used for private or religious schools.” At that time, 41% agreed with providing vouchers, and 49% disagreed with the policy.

A majority of respondents, 55%, say public schools are in worse shape than a few years ago, while 29% say they are in about the same shape, and 9% say they are better now. In August 2018, 44% said schools had gotten worse, 34% said they were about the same, and 15% said schools had gotten better.

Asked their opinion of the standards for education in Wisconsin schools, 47% of voters say the standards are lower than they should be, 31% say they are about where they should be, and 12% say they are higher than they should be. This is little changed from January 2014, when 47% said standards were too low, 32% said they were where they should be, and 15% said standards were too high.

Confidence in the 2020 election

Among all registered voters, 67% are very or somewhat confident the votes were accurately cast and counted in the 2020 election, while 31% are not too or not at all confident in the election accuracy. There are large partisan divisions shown in Table 26, but also some differences between Republicans and independents who lean Republican.

Table 26: Confidence in the accuracy of the 2020 election by party, February 2022

Party ID	Confident	Not confident	DK/Ref
Republican	38	61	2
Lean Republican	49	51	0
Independent	55	35	10
Lean Democrat	94	4	2
Democrat	96	3	1

There has been a decline in skepticism among Republicans since August 2021, while independents who lean Republican have remained evenly split. Independents who do not lean to a party became more skeptical of the election between August and October and then changed little in February. Democrats and independents who lean Democratic are overwhelmingly confident in the election accuracy. Table 27 shows these trends.

Table 27: Confidence in the accuracy of the 2020 election, by party trend, August 2021-February 2022

Party ID	Poll dates	Confident	Not confident	DK/Ref
Republican	Aug. 3-8, 2021	29	70	1
Republican	Oct. 26-31, 2021	33	64	4
Republican	Feb. 22-27, 2022	38	61	2
Lean Republican	Aug. 3-8, 2021	49	49	2
Lean Republican	Oct. 26-31, 2021	45	51	3
Lean Republican	Feb. 22-27, 2022	49	51	0
Independent	Aug. 3-8, 2021	79	15	6
Independent	Oct. 26-31, 2021	56	38	6
Independent	Feb. 22-27, 2022	55	35	10
Lean Democrat	Aug. 3-8, 2021	96	4	0
Lean Democrat	Oct. 26-31, 2021	94	5	0
Lean Democrat	Feb. 22-27, 2022	94	4	2
Democrat	Aug. 3-8, 2021	97	3	0
Democrat	Oct. 26-31, 2021	99	1	0
Democrat	Feb. 22-27, 2022	96	3	1

Marijuana legalization

Support for legalization of marijuana has grown since the question was first asked in 2013, with 61% in favor of legalization and 31% opposed now. The trend is shown in Table 28.

Table 28: Legalization of marijuana trend, October 2013-February 2022

Poll dates	Yes, legal	No, illegal	Don’t Know	Refused
Oct. 21-24, 2013	50	45	5	1
Mar. 20-23, 2014	42	52	6	0
Sept. 11-14, 2014	46	51	2	0
Jan. 16-20, 2019	59	35	7	0
April 3-7, 2019	59	36	4	1
Feb. 22-27, 2022	61	31	7	0

Support for legalization of marijuana has grown in each partisan group since 2013, with a slim majority of Republicans now supporting legalization, as shown in Table 29.

Table 29: Legalization of marijuana, by party identification trend, October 2013-February 2022

Party ID	Poll dates	Yes, legal	No, illegal	Don’t Know	Refused
Republican	Oct. 21-24, 2013	43	51	5	1
Republican	Mar. 20-23, 2014	29	66	5	0
Republican	Sept. 11-14, 2014	32	65	2	0
Republican	Jan. 16-20, 2019	42	52	5	0
Republican	April 3-7, 2019	41	56	3	0
Republican	Feb. 22-27, 2022	51	42	7	0
Independent	Oct. 21-24, 2013	49	51	0	0
Independent	Mar. 20-23, 2014	38	53	9	1
Independent	Sept. 11-14, 2014	45	53	1	1
Independent	Jan. 16-20, 2019	68	28	3	0
Independent	April 3-7, 2019	64	28	4	4
Independent	Feb. 22-27, 2022	60	28	11	1
Democrat	Oct. 21-24, 2013	53	41	5	1
Democrat	Mar. 20-23, 2014	55	39	5	1
Democrat	Sept. 11-14, 2014	61	37	3	0
Democrat	Jan. 16-20, 2019	72	19	8	1
Democrat	April 3-7, 2019	76	17	6	0
Democrat	Feb. 22-27, 2022	75	19	5	1

About the Marquette Law School Poll

The Marquette Law School Poll is the most extensive statewide polling project in Wisconsin history. This survey interviewed 802 registered Wisconsin voters by landline or cell phone Feb. 22-27, 2022. The margin of error is +/-3.8 percentage points for the full sample.

Primary-vote choices have a sample size of 363 for the Republican primary and 354 for the Democratic primary, with margins of error of +/-5.8 and +/-5.7 for the Republican and Democratic primaries respectively. Republican primary voters include Republicans and independents who lean Republican plus independents who do not lean to either party but who say they will vote in the Republican primary; similarly for “Democratic primary voters.”

Some issue items were asked of half the sample. Those on Form A were asked of 400 and have a margin of error of +/-5.5 percentage points. Form B items were asked of 402 and have a margin of error of +/-5.4 percentage points.

Items asked of half-samples included on Form A concern for inflation, unemployment, illegal immigration, and coronavirus, plus opinion of school and business closures in 2020. Form B items included marijuana legalization, school curriculum, vouchers, whether schools had gotten better or worse, and whether school standards are too high or not high enough.

Favorability to some primary candidates was also asked of half the sample. These candidates were Battino, Olikara, Murphy, Lee, Lewis, Peckarsky, Rumbaugh and Williams. These items have a sample size of 400 or 402 cases and a margin of error of +/-5.5 percentage points.

The partisan makeup of the sample, including those who lean to a party, is 44% Republican, 43% Democratic, and 13% independent. The partisan makeup of the sample, excluding those who lean to a party, is 27% Republican, 25% Democratic, and 47% independent.

Since January 2020, the long-term partisan balance, including those who lean to a party, in the Marquette poll has been 45% Republican and 44 % Democratic, with 9% independent. Partisanship exuding those who lean has been 29% Republican and 28 % Democratic, with 41% independent.

Marquette Law Poll Guide: Justice Breyer data from U.S. Supreme Court surveys, 2019-22

Post author:Charles Franklin
Post published:January 27, 2022
Post category:Poll Release

Presented by Dr. Charles Franklin, director of the Marquette Law School Poll

MILWAUKEE —Even to the day it was reported that Justice Stephen Breyer is retiring from the U.S. Supreme Court, he consistently ranked as the justice whom the fewest Americans know.

In results released on Wednesday, Jan. 26, before word of Breyer’s plans circulated, the Marquette Law School Poll’s Supreme Court Survey found that only 21% of people nationwide said they knew enough about Breyer to have an opinion about him.

But, Breyer’s impending departure from the Court puts on the front burner the nomination and confirmation process for members of the Court, and the Marquette Law Poll surveys provide insight into public opinion about how those steps have been handled in recent years.

The Marquette Law Poll has examined nationwide opinion about the Supreme Court six times, beginning in 2019. This news release describes what has been found about opinions of Breyer and of the way court selections have been handled.

Justice Breyer Favorability

Justice Breyer has consistently been the least well-known justice among the general public, with fewer than 25% able to offer an opinion of him.

Table 1 shows the public’s ability to rate, and the favorability ratings, of all nine justices in the Jan. 10-21, 2022, survey. All numbers in tables are percentages.

Table 1: Recognition and favorability ratings of justices, January 2022

Justice	Able to rate	Net favorability	Favorable	Unfavorable
Samuel Alito	26	6	16	10
Amy Barrett	46	-2	22	24
Stephen Breyer	21	7	14	7
Neil Gorsuch	29	1	15	14
Elena Kagan	28	8	18	10
Brett Kavanaugh	53	-11	21	32
John Roberts	38	12	25	13
Sonia Sotomayor	50	20	35	15
Clarence Thomas	55	5	30	25

The trend in favorability of Justice Breyer is shown in Table 2.

Table 2: Percent of people nationwide who rated Justice Breyer, and their ratings, September 2019-January 2022

Poll date	Able to rate	Net favorability	Favorable	Unfavorable
Sept. 3-13, 2019	16	6	11	5
Sept. 8-15, 2020	18	6	12	6
July 16-26, 2021	24	12	18	6
Jan, 10-21, 2022	21	7	14	7

“Should Justice Breyer retire?” from July 16-26, 2021

In the Marquette Law Poll’s Supreme Court survey of July 2021, a national sample of 1,010 adults were asked about the role of partisan control of the presidency and Senate in the timing of Supreme Court retirements.

A majority of the public thought that justices should not consider partisan control of the presidency and Senate when deciding the timing of their retirements. However, when given information that some Democrats were urging Justice Stephen Breyer to retire while there was a Democratic president and Democratic control of the Senate, more people supported a justice’s retiring with politics in mind, although it remained a minority overall.

When asked, “Do you think justices should consider the party in control of the White House and Senate as they decide when to retire?” 28% said justices should consider party control, while 72% said they should not consider this. This item was asked of a random half of all those surveyed at the time. The other random half of respondents was provided more information and context in the form of an alternative question: “Justice Stephen Breyer is 82 years old and the oldest member of the Court. He was nominated to the court in 1994 by President Clinton. Some Democrats are urging Breyer to retire now while there are a Democratic president and Senate. Do you think Justices should consider the party in control of the White House and Senate as they decide when to retire?” With this wording, 39% said justices should consider party control, while 60 percent said they should not.

The partisan information in the question boosted support for political timing of retirements across partisan identification among respondents, especially Democrats, as shown in Tables 3 and 4.

Table 3: “Do you think Justices should consider the party in control of the White House and senate as they decide when to retire?,” July 2021

Party ID	Consider party control	Not consider party control
Republican	16	84
Independent	26	74
Democrat	41	59

Table 4: “Justice Stephen Breyer is 82 years old and the oldest member of the Court. He was nominated to the court in 1994 by President Clinton. Some Democrats are urging Breyer to retire now while there are a Democratic president and senate. Do you think Justices should consider the party in control of the White House and senate as they decide when to retire?,” July 2021

Party ID	Consider party control	Not consider party control
Republican	23	77
Independent	37	61
Democrat	58	42

Importance of the next nomination to the Supreme Court

Since 2019, the Marquette Law Poll’s national Supreme Court survey has asked how important the next Supreme Court appointment is to the respondent. There has been only a little change in public opinion during this time, although Democrats became somewhat more concerned, until that percentage dropped in November 2021.

Table 5: “How important is the choice of the next Supreme Court justice to you personally?,” September 2019-Nov. 2021

Poll dates	Very important	Somewhat important	Not too important	Not at all important
Sept. 3-13, 2019	47	31	15	7
Sept. 8-15, 2020	48	34	13	4
July 16-26, 2021	51	30	14	4
Sept. 7-16, 2021	52	31	14	3
Nov. 1-10, 2021	45	33	17	5

Importance of the next nomination to the Supreme Court, by party identification

Democrats saw Court nominations as more important to them than did Republicans in 2020 and 2021, although the percentage of Democrats saying “very important” fell in November 2021.

Table 6: “How important is the choice of the next Supreme Court Justice to you personally?” by party identification, September 2019-Nov. 2021

Party ID	Poll dates	Very important	Somewhat important	Not too important	Not at all important
Republican	Sept. 3-13, 2019	53	29	15	3
Republican	Sept. 8-15, 2020	48	33	14	4
Republican	July 16-26, 2021	48	29	15	8
Republican	Sept. 7-16, 2021	51	35	11	2
Republican	Nov. 1-10, 2021	43	42	13	3
Independent	Sept. 3-13, 2019	38	34	16	11
Independent	Sept. 8-15, 2020	39	37	16	8
Independent	July 16-26, 2021	46	33	15	5
Independent	Sept. 7-16, 2021	44	33	18	5
Independent	Nov. 1-10, 2021	45	27	20	8
Democrat	Sept. 3-13, 2019	54	29	12	4
Democrat	Sept. 8-15, 2020	56	32	10	1
Democrat	July 16-26, 2021	60	28	11	1
Democrat	Sept. 7-16, 2021	64	24	11	1
Democrat	Nov. 1-10, 2021	47	34	17	2

Perception of the ideological orientation of the Court

Since 2019, the Marquette Law School Poll’s Supreme Court Survey has asked respondents to describe their perception of the Court’s ideological location. The percentage of the public characterizing the Court as conservative increased between September 2020 and July 2021, after Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg was replaced by Justice Amy Coney Barrett. (The September 2020 survey was completed before Ginsburg’s death.)

In 2019 and 2020, the wording was “very conservative, conservative, moderate, liberal or very liberal.” This was changed in 2021-22 to “very conservative, somewhat conservative, moderate, somewhat liberal or very liberal.” Table 7 below collapses responses to three categories to reduce any effect due to the use of “somewhat” or not and to simplify exposition. Table 8 shows the uncollapsed results.

Table 7: “In general, would you describe each of the following as … ?… The US Supreme Court?,” September 2019-January 2022

Poll dates	Conservative	Moderate	Liberal
Sept. 3-13, 2019	38	50	11
Sept. 8-15, 2020	35	54	11
July 16-26, 2021	50	42	7
Sept. 7-16, 2021	51	40	9
Nov. 1-10, 2021	51	39	9
Jan, 10-21, 2022	54	35	10

Table 8: “In general, would you describe each of the following as … ?… The US Supreme Court?,” September 2019-January 2022

Poll dates	Very conservative	Somewhat conservative	Moderate	Somewhat liberal	Very liberal
Sept. 3-13, 2019	5	33	50	9	3
Sept. 8-15, 2020	5	30	54	9	2
July 16-26, 2021	13	37	42	6	1
Sept. 7-16, 2021	16	35	40	7	2
Nov. 1-10, 2021	15	35	39	8	1
Jan. 10-21, 2022	17	38	35	8	2

Perception of the ideological orientation of the Court, by party identification

Perceptions of the ideological tilt of the Court are strongly related to partisanship, and partisan views have shifted over time. (As with the immediately previous pair of tables, Table 9 collapses responses to three categories to reduce any effect due to the use of “somewhat” or not and to simply exposition, while Table 10 shows the uncollapsed results. See the paragraph before Table 7 for a brief elaboration on the precise words given respondents as options in answering.)

Table 9: “In general, would you describe each of the following as … ?… The US Supreme Court?,” September 2019-January 2022

Party ID	Poll dates	Conservative	Moderate	Liberal
Republican	Sept. 3-13, 2019	27	58	14
Republican	Sept. 8-15, 2020	29	57	15
Republican	July 16-26, 2021	32	59	9
Republican	Sept. 7-16, 2021	35	46	19
Republican	Nov. 1-10, 2021	34	54	12
Republican	Jan. 10-21, 2022	33	51	16
Independent	Sept. 3-13, 2019	35	55	9
Independent	Sept. 8-15, 2020	32	57	11
Independent	July 16-26, 2021	49	41	9
Independent	Sept. 7-16, 2021	44	49	7
Independent	Nov. 1-10, 2021	47	40	12
Independent	Jan. 10-21, 2022	52	37	11
Democrat	Sept. 3-13, 2019	50	38	11
Democrat	Sept. 8-15, 2020	45	48	7
Democrat	July 16-26, 2021	68	29	3
Democrat	Sept. 7-16, 2021	74	21	5
Democrat	Nov. 1-10, 2021	70	27	3
Democrat	Jan. 10-21, 2022	76	20	5

Table 10: “In general, would you describe each of the following as … ?… The US Supreme Court?,” September 2019-January 2022

Party ID	Poll dates	Very conservative	Somewhat conservative	Moderate	Somewhat liberal	Very liberal
Republican	Sept. 3-13, 2019	4	23	58	11	3
Republican	Sept. 8-15, 2020	5	24	57	13	2
Republican	July 16-26, 2021	7	25	59	8	1
Republican	Sept. 7-16, 2021	2	33	46	15	3
Republican	Nov. 1-10, 2021	7	28	54	10	2
Republican	Jan. 10-21, 2022	4	30	51	11	5
Independent	Sept. 3-13, 2019	4	31	55	7	3
Independent	Sept. 8-15, 2020	4	28	57	9	2
Independent	July 16-26, 2021	9	40	41	7	2
Independent	Sept. 7-16, 2021	12	32	49	5	2
Independent	Nov. 1-10, 2021	12	35	40	11	2
Independent	Jan. 10-21, 2022	11	40	37	9	2
Democrat	Sept. 3-13, 2019	8	42	38	9	2
Democrat	Sept. 8-15, 2020	7	37	48	5	2
Democrat	July 16-26, 2021	25	43	29	3	0
Democrat	Sept. 7-16, 2021	34	40	21	4	1
Democrat	Nov. 1-10, 2021	27	43	27	2	1
Democrat	Jan. 10-21, 2022	35	41	20	5	0

Knowledge of the composition of the Supreme Court

A majority of the Court has been appointed by Republican presidents during all the Marquette Law School Poll surveys since 2019, but public awareness of this is far from universal. In six national surveys, no more than a third of respondents have said there is “definitely a majority appointed by Republican presidents,” while between 44 and 53% have said the majority was “probably” appointed by Republican presidents. Between 20 and 30% of respondents have said that Democratic presidents probably or definitely appointed the majority of the justices.

Table 11: “What is your guess as to whether a majority of the current US Supreme Court Justices were appointed by Democratic or Republican presidents?,” September 2019-January 2022

Poll dates	Definitely a majority appointed by Democratic presidents	Probably a majority appointed by Democratic presidents	Probably a majority appointed by Republican presidents	Definitely a majority appointed by Republican presidents
Sept. 3-13, 2019	4	23	53	19
Sept. 8-15, 2020	4	24	51	21
July 16-26, 2021	4	20	45	30
Sept. 7-16, 2021	4	22	46	29
Nov. 1-10, 2021	5	23	44	28
Jan. 10-21, 2022	2	21	44	33

Knowledge of the composition of the Court by party identification

Republicans are less likely to say the majority of justices were definitely appointed by Republican presidents than are Democrats.

Table 12: “What is your guess as to whether a majority of the current US Supreme Court Justices were appointed by Democratic or Republican presidents?,” by party identification, September 2019-January 2022

Party ID	Poll dates	Definitely a majority appointed by Democratic presidents	Probably a majority appointed by Democratic presidents	Probably a majority appointed by Republican presidents	Definitely a majority appointed by Republican presidents
Republican	Sept. 3-13, 2019	4	31	50	14
Republican	Sept. 8-15, 2020	4	31	49	16
Republican	July 16-26, 2021	6	24	53	16
Republican	Sept. 7-16, 2021	8	24	51	18
Republican	Nov. 1-10, 2021	6	27	46	21
Republican	Jan. 10-21, 2022	3	28	40	29
Independent	Sept. 3-13, 2019	4	23	55	16
Independent	Sept. 8-15, 2020	3	24	50	21
Independent	July 16-26, 2021	2	23	45	28
Independent	Sept. 7-16, 2021	2	24	51	24
Independent	Nov. 1-10, 2021	3	21	52	23
Independent	Jan. 10-21, 2022	2	21	48	28
Democrat	Sept. 3-13, 2019	5	16	53	26
Democrat	Sept. 8-15, 2020	5	17	53	24
Democrat	July 16-26, 2021	5	13	38	44
Democrat	Sept. 7-16, 2021	3	18	34	46
Democrat	Nov. 1-10, 2021	7	22	31	40
Democrat	Jan. 10-21, 2022	3	15	41	42

Justifications for voting against qualified nominee

The following items were asked in the Marquette Law School Poll’s Supreme Court survey conducted Sept. 8-15, 2020, before Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s death on Sept. 18. The items were also asked in September 2019.

Table 13: “If a nominee for the U.S. Supreme Court is qualified and has no ethical problems, would U.S. Senators be justified or not justified in voting against that nominee simply because of how they believe the Justice would decide cases on issues such as abortion, gun control, or affirmative action?,” September 2019 and September 2020

Poll dates	Justified in voting against the nominee	Not justified in voting against the nominee	NA/Refused
Sept. 3-13, 2019	37	61	2
Sept. 8-15, 2020	41	58	1

Table 14: “If a nominee for the U.S. Supreme Court is qualified and has no ethical problems, would U.S. Senators be justified or not justified in voting against that nominee simply because the Senator is from a different political party from the President who made the nomination?,” September 2019 and September 2020

Poll dates	Justified in voting against the nominee	Not justified in voting against the nominee	NA/Refused
Sept. 3-13, 2019	19	79	2
Sept. 8-15, 2020	21	78	1

Justifications for voting to reject a nominee, by party identification

Neither Republicans nor Democrats were eager overall to support rejecting nominees solely on partisan grounds, with Democrats slightly more willing to reject a nominee on policy differences.

Table 15: “If a nominee for the U.S. Supreme Court is qualified and has no ethical problems, would U.S. Senators be justified or not justified in voting against that nominee simply because of how they believe the Justice would decide cases on issues such as abortion, gun control, or affirmative action?,” by party identification, September 2019 and September 2020

Party ID	Poll dates	Justified in voting against the nominee	Not justified in voting against the nominee	NA/Refused
Republican	Sept. 3-13, 2019	36	63	1
Republican	Sept. 8-15, 2020	39	60	1
Independent	Sept. 3-13, 2019	33	66	1
Independent	Sept. 8-15, 2020	36	62	2
Democrat	Sept. 3-13, 2019	43	55	2
Democrat	Sept. 8-15, 2020	47	52	2

Table 16: “If a nominee for the U.S. Supreme Court is qualified and has no ethical problems, would U.S. Senators be justified or not justified in voting against that nominee simply because the Senator is from a different political party from the president who made the nomination?,” by party identification, September 2019 and September 2020

Party ID	Poll dates	Justified in voting against the nominee	Not justified in voting against the nominee	NA/Refused
Republican	Sept. 3-13, 2019	20	79	1
Republican	Sept. 8-15, 2020	21	79	1
Independent	Sept. 3-13, 2019	17	81	2
Independent	Sept. 8-15, 2020	17	81	2
Democrat	Sept. 3-13, 2019	21	76	3
Democrat	Sept. 8-15, 2020	24	74	1

Should nominees declare their views on specific cases

There is a longstanding practice of nominees not discussing during the confirmation process specific cases that may come before the Court, or even past decisions. The public is evenly split on whether nominees should declare their positions, and there are modest partisan differences on this.

Table 17: “Should nominees to the Supreme Court be required to publicly declare how they would vote on controversial cases such as gun rights or abortion rights before they are confirmed to the Court?,” September 2020

Poll dates	Should declare positions	Should not be required to declare positions	NA/Refused
Sept. 8-15, 2020	51	48	1

Table 18: “Should nominees to the Supreme Court be required to publicly declare how they would vote on controversial cases such as gun rights or abortion rights before they are confirmed to the Court?,” by party identification, September 2020

Party identification	Should declare positions	Should not be required to declare positions	NA/Refused
Republican	52	47	1
Independent	42	56	2
Democrat	58	41	0

What justices should consider in reaching decisions

The following items were asked in the Marquette Law School Poll’s Supreme Court survey conducted Sept. 8-15, 2020, with a national sample of 1,523 adults.

Despite growing partisan division over appointments to the Court, four-in-five respondents (82%) said justices should ignore the positions of political parties when making decisions, while 18% said they should support one of the parties as part of their decisions.

Relative to that small group pointing to political parties, more respondents, 44%, said the justices should consider public opinion about a case in reaching their decisions, while 55% said they should not consider public opinion.

The practice of following previous opinions of the Court, or stare decisis, has played a significant role in recent confirmation hearings, often focusing on the 1973 decision of Roe v. Wade, but 81% said the justices should overturn previous decisions if a majority believes the case was wrongly decided, while 18% said the Court should follow the previous decision whenever possible.

On holding hearings on Court nominees

In polls in September 2019 and September 2020, respondents were asked about President Barack Obama’s nomination of Merrick Garland to the Court being blocked in 2016 and whether hearings should be held in 2020 if there was a vacancy. The 2020 survey was completed days before the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg on Sept. 18, 2020.

Table 19: “In February 2016, following the death of Justice Antonin Scalia, Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell announced that the Senate would not consider or hold hearings on any nominee President Obama might name during an election year. In March, Obama nominated Judge Merrick Garland to the Supreme Court. The Senate did not hold a hearing and the nomination expired in January 2017. Was not holding a hearing on the nomination the right thing or the wrong thing to do?,” September 2019 and September 2020

Poll dates	Right thing to do	Wrong thing to do	NA/Refused
Sept. 3-13, 2019	26	73	1
Sept. 8-15, 2020	25	73	1

Table 20: “If there is a vacancy on the Supreme Court during the 2020 presidential election year and President Trump nominates someone, what should the Senate do?,” September 2019 and September 2020

Poll dates	Hold hearings	Not hold hearings	NA/Refused
Sept. 3-13, 2019	69	30	1
Sept. 8-15, 2020	67	32	1

Nomination hearings by party identification

In 2019 and 2020, there were sharp partisan differences over the lack of hearings for Garland in 2016. There was not as much of a partisan divide over potential hearings in 2020 (this was asked before Ginsburg’s death).

Table 21: “In February 2016, following the death of Justice Antonin Scalia, Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell announced that the Senate would not consider or hold hearings on any nominee President Obama might name during an election year. In March, Obama nominated Judge Merrick Garland to the Supreme Court. The Senate did not hold a hearing and the nomination expired in January 2017. Was not holding a hearing on the nomination the right thing or the wrong thing to do?,” by party identification, September 2019 and September 2020

Party ID	Poll dates	Right thing to do	Wrong thing to do	NA/Refused
Republican	Sept. 3-13, 2019	45	54	1
Republican	Sept. 8-15, 2020	45	54	1
Independent	Sept. 3-13, 2019	26	73	1
Independent	Sept. 8-15, 2020	20	78	2
Democrat	Sept. 3-13, 2019	13	87	0
Democrat	Sept. 8-15, 2020	15	84	1

Table 22: “If there is a vacancy on the Supreme Court during the 2020 presidential election year and President Trump nominates someone, what should the Senate do?,” by party identification, September 2019 and September 2020

Party ID	Poll dates	Hold hearings	Not hold hearings	NA/Refused
Republican	Sept. 3-13, 2019	72	27	0
Republican	Sept. 8-15, 2020	68	31	1
Independent	Sept. 3-13, 2019	73	26	1
Independent	Sept. 8-15, 2020	71	28	1
Democrat	Sept. 3-13, 2019	62	37	0
Democrat	Sept. 8-15, 2020	63	37	0

Perceptions of trends in Court rulings

While few citizens outside the legal profession read Supreme Court decisions, the public does develop an impression of the direction the Court takes over time. Across several topics, Table 19 shows how the public thinks the Court has expanded or reduced the rights of various groups over the past “15 years or so.”

Table 23: Perception of the expansion or reduction of rights for various groups, September 2021

Rights of…	Expanded rights	Reduced rights	Net expanded	Has not changed much either way
LGTB people	77	8	69	15
Campaign donors	39	15	24	46
Minority voters	38	23	15	39
Religious people and groups	33	21	12	45
Gun owners	27	27	0	45
Abortion seekers	23	45	-22	32

About the Marquette Law School Poll

The surveys were conducted with adults nationwide, with samples of 1,000 to 1,500 adults. Interviews were conducted in 2019 and 2020 by the National Opinion Research Center (NORC), using its AmeriSpeak Panel, a national probability sample, with interviews conducted online. In 2021 and 2022, the survey was conducted using the SSRS Opinion Panel, a national probability sample with interviews conducted online. The detailed methodology statement, survey instrument, topline results, and crosstabs for each release are available at https://law.marquette.edu/poll/category/results-and-data/.

The polling dates, sample size, and margin of error for each survey are as follows:

Table 24: Poll dates, sample size, and margin of error for all Marquette Law School Poll nationwide Supreme Court Surveys, 2019-2022

Poll dates	Sample size	Margin of error
Sept. 3-13, 2019	1423	3.5
Sept. 8-15, 2020	1523	3.3
July 16-26, 2021	1010	3.9
Sept. 7-16, 2021	1411	3.4
Nov. 1-10, 2021	1004	3.9
Jan. 10-21, 2022	1000	4.0