Procedural Justice and International Dispute Resolution

As alternative dispute resolution continues to supplant trials within the United States, there has been a marked movement internationally towards greater reliance on formal adjudication to resolve disputes, especially in the areas of human rights violations and trade disputes.   Although the domestic and international trends seem in opposition to one another, Andrea Kupfer Schneider argues in a new article that the two trends are actually both responsive to demands for procedural justice.  Domestically, the flexibility of ADR gives litigants a greater sense of control over the process.  Internationally, formal adjudication gives small nations and otherwise-marginalized communities and individuals better opportunitities to make their voices heard. 

Andrea suggests that formal adjudication may be necessary to provide a sense of procedural justice in places where the rule of law is not well established.  However, within the United States and other nations where the rule of law is better established, ADR becomes a viable alternative. 

Although there seems to be an inevitable shift to consensual dispute resolution after formal adjudication mechanisms are set up, Andrea worries that this shift may sometimes happen too quickly, particularly with respect to human rights disputes — “consensual dispute resolution [may become] just another set of processes to be abused by those with power.”

This is just one dimension of the article, which contains many interesting reflections on the present and future of international dispute resolution.  Entitled “Bargaining in the Shadow of (International) Law: What the Normalization of Adjudication in International Governance Regimes Means for Dispute Resolution,” the article is available here on SSRN.  It was published at 41 N.Y.U. J. Int’l L. & Pol. 789.  The abstract appears after the jump. 

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When Do Police Have Reasonable Suspicion That You Are a Non-Citizen?

For the past couple of weeks I have been stewing about how to respond to Rick’s post in which he tried to analogize the outcry against Arizona’s new immigration law to the Tea Party’s blowout bash against the new federal health care legislation.  He called the left out for hypocrisy in its condemnation of the accusations of “socialized medicine” and “death panels,” asserting that the left is “is just as over the top as the most silly Tea Party [when it terms the Arizona law] ‘racist,’ ‘hysterical nativism,’ and evocative of Nazi Germany and Communist Russia. It is cause, we hear, to read Arizona out of the civilized community.”

His rhetorical approach was really effective, I think, so I am going to copy it: starting with a concession to gain your trust, before pointing out the flaw I see in Rick’s argument.

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Day to Oppose the Use of Child Soldiers

redhandday_goma_08Today, February 12, marks the eighth anniversary of the entry into force of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict.  As IntLawGrrls points out, the U.S. is a party to the protocol (even though it remains one of the only two countries in the world  that has not ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child itself).

Non-governmental organizations that work to end the phenomenon of child soldiers call the day “Red Hand Day”, and the photo above shows activities in Goma, in Congo DR, marking Red Hand Day in 2008.

An open debate on children and armed conflict in the Security Council last April raised interesting issues.  Radhika Coomaraswamy, the Secretary General’s Special Representative for the issue of children and armed conflict emphasized that the abuse and exploitation of children during armed conflict goes far beyond their recruitment as fighters:

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