Approval of the Supreme Court rises to 54%, highest since March 2022, but partisan differences on opinions of the Court and what motivates justices remain strong.

MILWAUKEE – A new Marquette Law School Poll national survey finds 70% of adults saying judges should not be impeached for ruling against President Donald Trump’s spending freezes and agency closures, while 30% support such impeachments. Republicans are divided, with 52% opposed to impeachments of judges and 48% in favor of impeachments. Among independents, 75% oppose and 25% support impeachments, while 87% of Democrats oppose and 13% say judges should be impeached.

Those who strongly approve of Trump’s handling of his job are also most supportive of impeaching judges, with 62% supporting impeachment and 38% opposed. Support drops with those who somewhat approve of Trump’s job performance, to 36%, and there is even less support among those who disapprove of Trump’s job, as shown in Table 1.

Table 1: Impeach judges, by Trump approval

Among adults

Approval of Trump’s job performance	Impeach judges
	Should be impeached	Should not be impeached
Among all adults	30	70
Strongly approve	62	38
Somewhat approve	36	64
Somewhat disapprove	19	81
Strongly disapprove	10	90
Marquette Law School Poll, national survey, March 17-27, 2025
Question: Some members of Congress have called for the impeachment of federal judges who have ruled against some of President Trump’s spending freezes and agency closures. Do you think these judges should be impeached or should not be impeached for these rulings?

The survey was conducted March 17-27, 2025, interviewing 1,021 adults nationwide, with a margin of error of +/-3.5 percentage points.

A large majority of the public, 83%, say the president must obey a ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court, while 17% say the president has the power to ignore such a ruling. The percentage saying he must obey a ruling has increased slightly from 79% in December to 83% in March, as shown in Table 2.

Table 2: Must president obey Supreme Court ruling

Among adults

Poll dates	Obey ruling
	The president has the power to ignore the ruling	The president is required to do as the ruling says
3/17-27/25	17	83
1/27-2/6/25	17	83
12/2-11/24	21	79
Marquette Law School Poll, national surveys, latest: March 17-27, 2025
Question: If the Supreme Court rules against the president in a case, does the president have the power to ignore that ruling, or is the president required to do as the ruling says?

Among Republicans, 78% say the president must obey the Court, as do 82% of independents and 90% of Democrats.

Of those who strongly approve of how Trump is handling his job, 76% say he must obey a Supreme Court ruling, as do 73% of those who somewhat approve, 84% of those who somewhat disapprove, and 94% of those who strongly disapprove.

The percentage saying the president must obey the Court is virtually the same for those who approve of the job the Court is doing, 83%, and for those who disapprove, 84%.

Approval of the Supreme Court’s job performance has increased to 54% in March, with 46% who disapprove. This is the highest approval since March 2022, when 54% also approved. This is still well below the high point of approval of the Court in Marquette Law School Poll surveys: 66% in September 2020. Table 3 shows the trend in approval of the Court in all Marquette surveys since 2020.

Table 3: Approval of the Supreme Court’s job performance

Among adults

Poll dates	Court approval
	Approve	Disapprove
3/17-27/25	54	46
1/27-2/6/25	51	49
12/2-11/24	48	52
10/1-10/24	45	55
7/24-8/1/24	43	57
5/6-15/24	39	61
3/18-28/24	47	53
2/5-15/24	40	60
11/2-7/23	41	59
9/18-25/23	43	57
7/7-12/23	45	55
5/8-18/23	41	59
3/13-22/23	44	56
1/9-20/23	47	53
11/15-22/22	44	56
9/7-14/22	40	60
7/5-12/22	38	61
5/9-19/22	44	55
3/14-24/22	54	45
1/10-21/22	52	46
11/1-10/21	54	46
9/7-16/21	49	50
7/16-26/21	60	39
9/8-15/20	66	33
Marquette Law School Poll, national surveys, latest: March 17-27, 2025
Question: Overall, how much do you approve or disapprove of the way the U.S. Supreme Court is handling its job?

The public is evenly divided in thinking whether the decisions of Supreme Court justices are motivated mainly by politics or mainly by the law, with 50% saying mainly politics and 50% saying mainly the law. This is a shift from July 2024, when 57% said mainly politics and 43% mainly the law. This moderate change to seeing less political motivation, however, is small in comparison to July 2021, when just 29% said mainly politics and 71% mainly the law.

Since July 2024, Democrats have shifted more than Republicans in their perception of the justices’ motivations. In July, 73% of Democrats said justices were motivated by politics, but in March 59% of Democrats said the same. Among Republicans, 41% said politics was the main motivation in July, while in March 38% said so. Independents became a bit more likely to see political motives in March, 59%, up from 55% in July.

Recent decisions

Attention to news about the Supreme Court rose in March, with 25% saying they heard a lot about the Court in the last month, up from 17% in January. Attention is highest in July after the Court releases major end-of-term decisions. In July 2024, 32% had heard a lot about the Court in the previous month.

Democrats were a bit more attentive to the Court in March, with 30% having heard a lot, compared to 22% of Republicans and 19% of independents.

In March, the Supreme Court rejected Trump’s request to freeze some $2 billion in foreign aid payments, sending the case back to a lower court for further proceedings. This decision was favored by 58% and opposed by 42% of the public. Seventy-six percent of Democrats favored the decision, as did 60% of independents, while 61% of Republicans opposed the ruling.

Looking back to the July 2024 decision that held that presidents have broad immunity from criminal prosecution for official acts as president, in the current poll 38% favor the decision and 62% oppose it. In this case, 65% of Republicans favor the ruling, while 71% of independents and 86% of Democrats oppose it.

In March, the Court ruled that the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) was entitled to impose specific requirements on permit holders to prevent pollution but not to make the permit holders responsible simply because water quality has fallen below the agency’s standards. Opinion on this issue was closely divided, with 48% in favor and 52% opposed. Democrats and Republicans divided on this decision as well, with 59% of Republicans in favor of the ruling while 62% of Democrats were opposed. Independents split, 45% in favor and 55% opposed.

The public largely opposes the Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health decision from 2022 overturning the Roe v. Wade decision that made abortion legal in all 50 states. A 62% majority oppose the Dobbs decision, while 38% favor it. There have been only modest shifts in opinion on this since 2022, as shown in Table 4.

Table 4: Favor or oppose Dobbs decision

Among adults

Poll dates	Dobbs decision
	Favor	Oppose
3/17-27/25	38	62
1/27-2/6/25	38	62
12/2-11/24	37	63
10/1-10/24	37	63
7/24-8/1/24	33	67
2/5-15/24	33	67
11/2-7/23	35	65
9/18-25/23	36	64
7/7-12/23	38	62
5/8-18/23	35	65
3/13-22/23	33	67
1/9-20/23	35	64
11/15-22/22	33	66
Marquette Law School Poll, national survey, latest: March 17-27, 2025
Question: [In 2022, the Supreme Court overturned Roe versus Wade, thus striking down the 1973 decision that made abortion legal in all 50 states.] How much do you favor or oppose this decision?

On this issue, 65% of Republicans favor the Dobbs decision, with 35% opposed. Among Democrats, 14% favor the ruling and 86% oppose it. Independents are mostly opposed, 71%, with 29% in favor.

In 2020, the Supreme Court ruled that a federal civil rights law protects gay and transgender workers from workplace discrimination, a ruling that 82% in the current poll favor, with 18% opposed. In 11 polls since the decision, at least 80% have approved of the ruling. Support is also strong across partisan groups, with 74% of Republicans in favor, along with 82% of independents and 89% of Democrats.

In December, the Supreme Court heard arguments challenging a Tennessee law that prohibits medical providers from prescribing puberty-delaying medication or performing gender transition surgery for youth under 18. Asked how they think the Court should rule, 72% said the Court should uphold the Tennessee law, while 27% said they should overturn the law. Republicans were nearly unanimously in favor of upholding the law, 90%, with 79% of independents in favor of upholding it. Democrats were almost evenly divided, with a slight majority, 52%, in favor of the law and 48% wanting it overturned.

In April, the Supreme Court will hear arguments in a case asking whether a state that generally funds charter schools as alternatives to traditional public schools may refuse to fund a charter school simply because it is explicitly religious. A majority, 57%, say the state may refuse to fund a religious charter school, while 43% say the state must fund the religious school. Republicans are closely divided, with 45% saying the state may refuse to fund the school and 55% saying the state cannot refuse to fund the school because it is religious. Sixty percent of independents say the state may refuse funding religious charter schools, as do 68% of Democrats.

On this issue, born-again Protestants are the most supportive religious group, with 58% saying the state must fund the school. Roman Catholics are evenly divided, with 50% on each side. Majorities of other religious affiliations say the state may refuse funding, as shown in Table 5.

Table 5: Religious charter school, by religion

Among adults

Religion	Fund religious charter school
	The state may refuse to fund the religious charter school	The state is required to fund a religious charter school
Among all adults	57	43
Born-again Protestant	42	58
Mainline Protestant	55	45
Roman Catholic	50	50
No religion	72	28
Other religion	68	32
Marquette Law School Poll, national survey, March 17-27, 2025
Question: [In April, the Supreme Court will hear arguments in a case asking whether a state that generally funds charter schools as alternatives to traditional public schools may refuse to fund a charter school simply because it is explicitly religious.] How do you think the Court should rule?

Confidence in institutions

Confidence in national institutions ranges from slightly negative for the Supreme Court to quite negative for Congress, with the presidency in between them in terms of confidence. This poll finds a slightly positive rating for local school boards and a slightly negative rating for local TV news, as shown in Table 6.

Table 6: Confidence in institutions

Among adults

Institution	Confidence
	Net	Great deal/a lot	Some	Little/None
Local school board	2	28	46	26
Supreme Court	-3	28	41	31
Local TV news	-3	29	38	32
Presidency	-15	33	18	48
Congress	-31	15	38	46
Marquette Law School Poll, national survey, March 17-27, 2025
Question: Here is a list of institutions in American society. How much confidence do you have in each one?

Confidence levels for the presidency, Congress, and the Supreme Court as institutions are strongly polarized by partisanship, and especially so for the presidency. Table 7 shows confidence by party identification for the national institutions.

Table 7: Confidence in national institutions, by party identification

Among adults

Party ID	Confidence
	Net	Great deal/a lot	Some	Little/None
Supreme Court
Republican	32	44	44	12
Independent	-13	23	40	36
Democrat	-33	15	38	48
Congress
Republican	-9	22	48	31
Independent	-38	12	37	50
Democrat	-51	10	29	61
Presidency
Republican	56	66	24	10
Independent	-34	21	24	55
Democrat	-79	5	11	84
Marquette Law School Poll, national survey, March 17-27, 2025
Question: Here is a list of institutions in American society. How much confidence do you have in each one?

On the local level, school boards fare well compared to national institutions or local TV news. Partisan differences are seen here as well, but the degree of polarization is smaller for both school boards and local TV news than for any of the three national institutions, as shown in Table 8.

Table 8: Confidence in local institutions, by party identification

Among adults

Party ID	Confidence
	Net	Great deal/a lot	Some	Little/None
Local school board
Republican	-8	22	48	30
Independent	-15	21	42	36
Democrat	18	35	47	17
Local TV news
Republican	-19	23	35	42
Independent	-12	30	26	42
Democrat	16	35	46	19
Marquette Law School Poll, national survey, March 17-27, 2025
Question: Here is a list of institutions in American society. How much confidence do you have in each one?

Those who have attended local school board or city council meetings have a more positive net confidence in school boards than those who have not attended a meeting, as shown in Table 9.

Table 9: Confidence in local school board, by attended school board or city council meeting

Among adults

Attended meeting	Confidence in school board
	Net	Great deal/a lot	Some	Little/None
Yes	11	32	47	21
No	-3	25	46	28
Marquette Law School Poll, national survey, March 17-27, 2025
Question: Here is a list of institutions in American society. How much confidence do you have in each one?
Question: Have you ever attended a city council or school board meeting?

Confidence in local TV news is slightly net negative, but far less negative than confidence in national news media, when compared to January when respondents were asked about national media. At that time 12% had a great deal or a lot of confidence in national news media, while 59% had little or none. That is a net rating of -47 points, compared to a net -3 points for local TV news in the current survey.

About the Marquette Law School Poll

The survey was conducted March 17-27, 2025, interviewing 1,021 adults nationwide, with a margin of error of +/-3.5 percentage points.

Interviews were conducted using the SSRS Opinion Panel, a national probability sample with interviews conducted online. Certain other data from this survey (focusing on national political matters, were released on April 2). The detailed methodology statement, survey instrument, topline results, and crosstabs for this release are available on the Marquette Law School Poll website.

Wording of questions about recent and past Supreme Court decisions: These items do not attempt to exactly frame the particular issues in specific cases but rather address the topic in more general terms.

The wording of questions about recent decisions include:

Department of State v. AIDS Vaccine Advocacy Coalition

• In March, the Supreme Court rejected President Trump’s request to freeze nearly $2 billion in foreign aid, sending the case back to a lower court for further proceedings. How much do you favor or oppose this decision?

Trump v. United States

• In July 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that, while there is no immunity for unofficial acts, former presidents have broad immunity from criminal prosecution for official acts as president. How much do you favor or oppose this decision?

City and County of San Francisco v. Environmental Protection Agency

• In March, the Supreme Court ruled that the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) was entitled to impose specific requirements on permit holders to prevent pollution but not to make the permit holders responsible simply because water quality has fallen below the agency’s standards. How much do you favor or oppose this decision?

Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization

• In 2022, the Supreme Court overturned Roe versus Wade, thus striking down the 1973 decision that made abortion legal in all 50 states. How much do you favor or oppose this decision?

Bostock v. Clayton County, Georgia

• In 2020, the Supreme Court ruled that a federal civil rights law protects gay and transgender workers from workplace discrimination. How much do you favor or oppose this decision?

United States v. Skrmetti

• In December, the Supreme Court heard arguments challenging a Tennessee law that prohibits medical providers from prescribing puberty-delaying medication or performing gender transition surgery for youth under 18. How do you think the Court should rule?

Oklahoma Statewide Charter School Board v. Drummond

• In April, the Supreme Court will hear arguments in a case asking whether a state that generally funds charter schools as alternatives to traditional public schools may refuse to fund a charter school simply because it is explicitly religious. How do you think the Court should rule?

Although both races are nonpartisan, substantial partisan differences exist in views of the candidates, majority of voters aware balance of the state Supreme Court will be affected

Also:

• Trump’s job performance: 48% approve, 51% disapprove
• Wisconsin voters overall are skeptical of tariffs and DOGE
• Large partisan divides shape opinion on most policy issues

MILWAUKEE – A new Marquette Law School Poll survey of Wisconsin finds that large percentages of registered voters remain unfamiliar with the candidates for the Wisconsin Supreme Court and the state superintendent of public instruction less than a month before the April 1 elections.

Among registered voters, 38% don’t offer an opinion on state Supreme Court candidate Brad Schimel, former state Attorney General, saying they haven’t heard enough about him or they don’t know if they have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of him. Considerably more, 58%, say they don’t have an opinion of Schimel’s opponent, Susan Crawford.

In the election for state superintendent of public instruction, 64% lack an opinion of incumbent Jill Underly and 71% haven’t heard enough about her opponent, Brittany Kinser.

This Marquette Law School Poll survey was conducted Feb. 19-26, 2025, interviewing 864 Wisconsin registered voters, with a margin of error of +/-4.6 percentage points. To cover more topics a number of items were asked of a random half-sample of 432 registered voters with a margin of error of +/-6.6 percentage points.

Awareness of the candidates is greater among those who say both that they are certain to vote in the election and that they are very enthusiastic about voting. Table 1 shows the relationship between certainty of voting and enthusiasm for each candidate, as well as the favorable and unfavorable opinions for each. Those very enthusiastic to vote are somewhat more familiar with each candidate than the separately measured group of those who say they are certain to vote. Schimel is the best-known candidate, followed by Crawford, Underly, and Kinser for both those certain to vote and those very enthusiastic. Kinser has the most positive net favorability, followed by Crawford, Underly, and Schimel.

Table 1: Favorability, by certain to vote and by enthusiasm

Among registered voters

Involvement	Favorability
	Net favorability	Favorable	Unfavorable	Not heard enough/DK
Brad Schimel
Absolutely certain to vote	-3	37	40	23
Less than certain to vote	-4	16	20	64
Very enthusiastic	-1	41	42	17
Somewhat enthusiastic or less	-4	21	25	54
Susan Crawford
Absolutely certain to vote	0	27	27	46
Less than certain to vote	-10	6	16	79
Very enthusiastic	1	31	30	39
Somewhat enthusiastic or less	-8	9	17	74
Jill Underly
Absolutely certain to vote	-5	22	27	51
Less than certain to vote	-4	5	9	85
Very enthusiastic	-2	25	27	48
Somewhat enthusiastic or less	-6	9	15	76
Brittany Kinser
Absolutely certain to vote	7	23	16	61
Less than certain to vote	-6	3	9	88
Very enthusiastic	11	28	17	55
Somewhat enthusiastic or less	-4	6	10	83
Marquette Law School Poll, Wisconsin survey, latest: Feb. 19-26, 2025
Question: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of [INSERT NAME] or haven’t you heard enough about them yet?
Question: Certainty about voting: What are the chances that you will vote in the April 2025 elections for Wisconsin Supreme Court, state Superintendent of Public Instruction and other offices– are you absolutely certain to vote, very likely to vote, are the chances 50-50, don’t you think you will vote?
Question: Enthusiasm: How enthusiastic are you about voting in the elections in April 2025 for Wisconsin Supreme Court, state Superintendent of Public Instruction and other offices? Would you say you are very, somewhat, not too, or not at all enthusiastic?

Those most involved in the spring elections are those who say they are both certain to vote and are very enthusiastic. This provides a single measure of involvement in the election. This most-involved group makes up 41% of registered voters. For comparison, in the most recent state Supreme Court election, in 2023, 51% of registered voters actually turned out.

Those most involved with the election are much more likely to have an opinion of the candidates than are those who are less involved. The most involved are also more favorable to each of the four candidates than the less involved. There remain differences across the candidates in the percentages of voters without opinions, even among the most involved. Schimel is the best known, followed by Crawford, Underly, and Kinser. Though Kinser is the least known, she has the highest net favorable rating, followed by Crawford, Underly, and Schimel. These results are shown in Table 2.

Table 2: Favorability, by those most involved

Among registered voters

Involvement	Favorability
	Net favorability	Favorable	Unfavorable	Not heard enough/DK
Brad Schimel
Certain to vote & very enthusiastic	-1	42	43	15
Less involved	-4	21	25	54
Susan Crawford
Certain to vote & very enthusiastic	1	33	32	36
Less involved	-8	9	17	74
Jill Underly
Certain to vote & very enthusiastic	-2	26	28	46
Less involved	-6	9	15	77
Brittany Kinser
Certain to vote & very enthusiastic	11	29	18	53
Less involved	-4	6	10	84
Marquette Law School Poll, Wisconsin survey, latest: Feb. 19-26, 2025
Question: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of [INSERT NAME] or haven’t you heard enough about them yet?
Question (note): Those most involved say they are certain to vote and are very enthusiastic to vote. All others are coded as less involved.

Although these races are officially nonpartisan, opinions of the candidates are nonetheless aligned with partisanship of voters, as shown in Table 3 for Schimel and Table 4 for Crawford. Democrats are a bit more aware of Schimel than are Republicans, with independents least able to rate him. Republicans are strongly favorable to Schimel, with a net favorability of +50, and Democrats strongly unfavorable, at a net favorability of -57. He has a net favorability of -16 among independents.

Table 3: Favorability to Brad Schimel, by party identification

Among registered voters

Party ID	Favorability
	Net favorability	Favorable	Unfavorable	Not heard enough/DK
Among all registered voters	-3	29	32	38
Republican	50	56	6	39
Independent	-16	23	39	38
Democrat	-57	3	60	37
Marquette Law School Poll, Wisconsin survey, Feb. 19-26, 2025
Question: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of [INSERT NAME] or haven’t you heard enough about them yet?

Crawford is better known to Democrats than to Republicans or, especially, independents, though not as well-known as Schimel in any partisan category. She is strongly favorable among Democrats, a net of +34, and almost equally unfavorable among Republicans with a net of -36, while she is net -11 among independents.

Table 4: Favorability to Susan Crawford by party identification

Among registered voters

Party ID	Favorability
	Net favorability	Favorable	Unfavorable	Not heard enough/DK
Among all registered voters	-4	19	23	58
Republican	-36	2	38	61
Independent	-11	12	23	64
Democrat	34	40	6	54
Marquette Law School Poll, Wisconsin survey, Feb. 19-26, 2025
Question: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of [INSERT NAME] or haven’t you heard enough about them yet?

Views of the candidates for school superintendent are shown for Underly in Table 5 and for Kinser in Table 6. Both candidates are less well known in each partisan group than are the Supreme Court candidates. The lower name recognition also contributes to net favorability differences by party that are smaller than those for the Court candidates. Republicans give Underly a net favorability of -30, while Democrats give her a +26 favorability and independents a -14.

Table 5: Favorability to Jill Underly, by party identification

Among registered voters

Party ID	Favorability
	Net favorability	Favorable	Unfavorable	Not heard enough/DK
Among all registered voters	-4	16	20	64
Republican	-30	4	34	62
Independent	-14	8	22	69
Democrat	26	31	5	64
Marquette Law School Poll, Wisconsin survey, Feb. 19-26, 2025
Question: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of [INSERT NAME] or haven’t you heard enough about them yet?

Kinser has the lowest name recognition regardless of partisan group but is the one candidate who is better known among Republicans than among Democrats. Her net favorability among Republicans is +25, and among Democrats it is -19, with independents at -6.

Table 6: Favorability to Brittany Kinser, by party identification

Among registered voters

Party ID	Favorability
	Net favorability	Favorable	Unfavorable	Not heard enough/DK
Among all registered voters	3	16	13	71
Republican	25	29	4	66
Independent	-6	10	16	74
Democrat	-19	3	22	75
Marquette Law School Poll, Wisconsin survey, Feb. 19-26, 2025
Question: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of [INSERT NAME] or haven’t you heard enough about them yet?

Respondents say they are paying more attention to the state Supreme Court race than to the state school superintendent race. For the court, 39% say they have heard or read a lot about that race, while 18% say the same about the superintendent race.

Just over half of registered voters, 51%, say they have a clear idea of what Schimel stands for, while 41% say they are clear about what Crawford stands for. For Schimel, 14% say they are not clear where he stands, while 35% say they haven’t heard enough or don’t know. In Crawford’s case, 17% say they are not clear what she stands for and 42% say they haven’t heard enough or don’t know.

Trump approval and national issues

After six weeks in office for Donald Trump, 48% of those polled in Wisconsin approve of the job Trump is doing as president and 51% disapprove. Opinion is sharply divided, with 38% who strongly approve and 45% who strongly disapprove. Only 10% somewhat approve and 6% somewhat disapprove.

The partisan gap in approval of Trump is particularly large, with 92% approval among Republicans and 97% disapproval among Democrats. In March 2017, at the beginning of Trump’s first term, 77% of Republicans approved and 81% of Democrats disapproved. In the current poll, independents are more disapproving, 60%, than approving, 39%. In 2017, by contrast, independents were more approving, 42%, than disapproving, 32%. The full table of approval by party identification is shown in Table 7.

Table 7: Trump approval, by party identification

Among registered voters

Party ID	Approval
	Approve	Disapprove
Feb. 19-26, 2025
Among all registered voters	48	51
Republican	92	7
Independent	39	60
Democrat	2	97
March 13-16, 2017
Among all registered voters	41	47
Republican	77	13
Independent	42	32
Democrat	9	81
Marquette Law School Poll, Wisconsin surveys, latest: Feb. 19-26, 2025
Question: Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way Donald Trump is handling his job as president?

Fifty-nine percent of voters say Trump’s freezing spending and closing of agencies are beyond the president’s authority, while 40% say the president has this authority without needing congressional approval. A majority of Republicans, 74%, say the president has this authority, while 65% of independents and 95% of Democrats say this is beyond the president’s authority.

Opinion is more closely divided on whether Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) is properly carrying out Trump’s agenda, with 47% saying it is and 53% saying it is disrupting programs required by law. Among Republicans, 88% say Musk is carrying out Trump’s agenda, but 56% of independents say he is disrupting programs required by law. Almost all Democrats, 97%, say Musk is disrupting programs.

The public is skeptical of Trump’s tariffs, with 32% saying tariffs help the U.S. economy and 51% saying tariffs hurt the economy. Sixteen percent say tariffs don’t make much difference. A majority of Republicans agree with Trump’s position, with 61% saying tariffs help the economy. Among independents, 50% say tariffs hurt the economy, and 92% of Democrats say that.

Trump’s deportation of immigrants in the United States illegally is supported by 61% and opposed by 38%. When asked in a separate question about deportations that include individuals who have been in the country for a number of years and have jobs and no criminal record, 50% favor such deportations while 50% are opposed. In October, 60% favored deporting those in the country illegally, while (under the separate question) the percentage favoring deportations of long-term residents with jobs and no criminal record was 39%.

Elon Musk is viewed favorably by 41% and unfavorably by 53%. Partisan differences in views of Musk are extremely large, with 81% of Republicans favorable to Musk, while 58% of independents and 97% of Democrats are unfavorable.

The Republican Party is seen favorably by 47% and unfavorably by 52%, while the Democratic Party is viewed favorably by 34% and unfavorably by 62%. Democrats are less favorable to their party (76% favorable) than are Republicans to their party (92% favorable).

Court-related issues

While many respondents are unfamiliar with the Wisconsin Supreme Court candidates, a large percentage, 83%, say the election can tip the balance on the Court, while 15% say the election will not affect the balance and 2% say they don’t know. Republicans and Democrats are about equally likely to see the balance of the court as up for grabs, with 81% of Republicans and 87% of Democrats saying so. Among independents, 75% say the balance can change as the result of the election.

Among registered voters, 57% say the outcome of the state Supreme Court election is very important to them, while 35% say it is somewhat important. Only 7% say it is not too important and less than 1% say it is not at all important. Those who say the election is less than very important are much less involved in the election than those who say it is very important.

By a 90% to 10% margin, respondents overwhelmingly support electing judges rather than appointing them. There are modest partisan differences, with 85% of Republicans, 91% of independents, and 95% of Democrats favoring judicial elections.

Voters also favor candidates for the state Supreme Court talking about issues in the campaign, with 79% saying this, while 21% say candidates should avoid talking about issues in order to not be seen as prejudging potential cases. Majorities of each partisan group favor discussion of issues, but Republicans are slightly less supportive of discussing issues. Specifically, 79% of Republicans favor candidates discussing issues, compared to 84% of Democrats, and 63% of independents.

While voters align their views of the candidates with their partisan preferences, they are less positive about parties providing large financial donations to the candidates. Just 38% say party contributions give voters a better idea of what the candidates stand for, while 61% say party contributions reduce the independence of judges from politics. On this question, Republicans are more positive about party contributions, with 42% saying these contributions clarify positions, while 28% of Democrats and 52% of independents say that.

One topic likely to reach the Court in the future is the constitutionality of elements of Act 10, the 2011 law substantially limiting public sector unions in Wisconsin, which was recently struck down by a district court. Overall, Act 10 is supported by 42%, while 54% say the law should be struck down as unconstitutional and 4% say they don’t know. There are substantial partisan divisions over Act 10, with 62% of Republicans favoring the law, while 51% of independents and 76% of Democrats want it struck down. In the October 2018 Marquette Law School Poll, respondents were asked if they preferred to keep Act 10 as it is or to return to collective bargaining as it was before Act 10. Keeping Act 10 was favored by 43%, while returning collective bargaining was favored by 42%.

A substantial majority of the public (64%) favor legal abortions in all or most cases, with 36% who say it should be illegal in all or most cases. Opinion on abortion has remained stable since August 2022, following the U.S. Supreme Court decision overturning Roe .v. Wade.

Photo ID to vote

Requiring a photo ID to vote is favored by 77% and opposed by 22%. In a dozen polls since 2012, the lowest support for the photo ID requirement was 58% in a poll conducted Oct. 9-12, 2014. When asked last in August 2021, 74% favored requiring a photo ID.

A proposed amendment to the Wisconsin Constitution on the April ballot would make the photo ID requirement a constitutional requirement. This is favored by 73% and opposed by 27%. Almost all Republicans, 97%, and 77% of independents favor adding this to the state constitution, while 55% of Democrats are opposed.

Schools and education issues

Across Wisconsin, 58% of people say they are either very satisfied or satisfied with the public schools in their community, while 41% are either very dissatisfied or dissatisfied. Satisfaction was higher from 2012 through 2017 than in 2018 and subsequently. In recent years, favorability has been holding around 60%, with one notable dip in June 2024. The full trend is shown in Table 8.

Table 8: Satisfaction with public schools

Among registered voters

	Satisfaction
Wave	Very satisfied/satisfied	Very dissatisfied/dissatisfied
2/19-26/25	58	41
10/16-24/24	65	35
9/18-26/24	64	36
6/12-20/24	46	41
10/26-11/2/23	63	35
6/8-13/23	67	31
9/6-11/22	62	31
4/19-24/22	62	32
10/26-31/21	60	30
8/3-8/21	69	22
1/8-12/20	59	33
9/12-16/18	64	25
3/13-16/17	74	19
4/7-10/15	75	21
5/6-9/13	71	25
3/11-13/13	81	14
5/23-26/12	71	24
5/9-12/12	68	25
4/26-29/12	66	27
Marquette Law School Poll, Wisconsin surveys, latest: Feb. 19-26, 2025
Question: How satisfied are you with the job the public schools are doing in your community?

The public has become increasingly concerned with holding down property taxes since 2018 and less favorably inclined toward increasing funding for K-12 public schools. In the current survey, 58% say holding down property taxes is more important, while 41% say it is more important to increase funding for schools. In 2013, slightly more people were concerned with property taxes than with school funding, while in 2015 through 2018 a substantial majority was more concerned with school funding. Since 2019, there has been a steady increase in concern about keeping down property taxes, which in polling in 2023 overtook the interest in increasing school funding. The full trend is shown in Table 9.

Table 9: More important to hold down property tax of increase school spending

Among registered voters

Poll dates	Property taxes or schools
	Reducing property taxes	Increasing spending on public schools
2/19-26/25	58	41
10/16-24/24	55	44
9/18-26/24	56	44
10/26-11/2/23	52	47
6/8-13/23	50	47
10/24-11/1/22	46	48
10/3-9/22	42	52
9/6-11/22	41	51
8/10-15/22	43	52
4/19-24/22	46	50
8/3-8/21	42	52
2/19-23/20	38	56
1/8-12/20	41	55
1/16-20/19	39	55
10/24-28/18	40	55
10/3-7/18	37	57
9/12-16/18	38	57
8/15-19/18	32	61
6/13-17/18	35	59
2/25-3/1/18	33	63
4/7-10/15	40	54
5/6-9/13	49	46
3/11-13/13	49	46
Marquette Law School Poll, Wisconsin surveys, latest: Feb. 19-26, 2025
Question: Which is more important to you: reduce property taxes or increase spending on public schools?

Sixty percent say Wisconsin schools have set standards lower than they should be, with 34% saying standards are about where they should be and 6% saying standards are too high. In 2014, 47% said standards were too low, 32% said they were about right, and 15% said standards were too high. An additional 5% said they didn’t know.

Despite most people having an opinion of standards, a large group, 45%, say they haven’t heard enough to know if reading test scores have gone up or down over the past five years. Similarly, 43% haven’t heard enough about math test scores to have an opinion, and 54% haven’t heard enough about whether the achievement gap between high-income and low- income students has changed. Few respondents think either reading or math scores have gone up, with more saying both have gone down than saying they have remained the same. These responses are shown in Table 10.

Table 10: Test scores and achievement gap

Among registered voters

Measure	Change
	Gone up	Stayed same	Gone down	Haven’t heard enough
Reading test scores	5	19	32	45
Math test scores	4	20	32	43
Achievement gap	18	20	8	54
Marquette Law School Poll, Wisconsin survey, latest: Feb. 19-26, 2025
Question: In the public schools in your community, over the last five years, would you say reading test scores have gone up, stayed about the same, gone down, or haven’t you heard enough to say?
Question: In the public schools in your community, over the last five years, would you say math test scores have gone up, stayed about the same, gone down, or haven’t you heard enough to say?
Question: In the public schools in your community, over the last five years, would you say the gap in test scores between low-income and high-income students has gone up, stayed about the same, gone down, or haven’t you heard enough to say?

A majority, 57%, favor allowing all students statewide to use vouchers to attend private or religious schools if they wish, with 43% opposed. Majorities of Republicans, 74%, and independents, 54%, favor statewide vouchers for all students, while 59% of Democrats are opposed.

When asked about choosing whether to increase the state budget for students to attend private schools or increase the budget for public schools, 33% would increase funding for private schools and 67% would increase funding for public schools. A majority (57%) of Republicans would increase funding for private schools, while 69% of independents and 93% of Democrats would increase funding for public schools.

A majority (76%) favor a major increase in funding for special education in the schools, while 23% are opposed. Majorities of all partisan groups favor increasing special-education budgets, with 59% of Republicans, 72% of independents, and 97% of Democrats in favor.

Gov. Tony Evers’ proposal to include $300 million for mental health services in schools statewide is favored by 66% and opposed by 34%. This proposal is opposed by 64% of Republicans and favored by 69% of independents and 94% of Democrats.

Five years after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, the public is closely divided on whether the closures of schools and businesses were an appropriate response. Fifty-one percent say they were appropriate steps, while 49% say they did more harm than good. This is the closest result in Marquette Law School Poll surveys on whether the closures in 2020 were appropriate or an overreaction. Throughout 2020, more than two-thirds said the closures were appropriate, declining to 56% in 2022. The full trend is shown in Table 11.

Table 11: Were closures during the pandemic appropriate or an overreaction

Among registered voters

Poll dates	Appropriate or overreaction
	Appropriate response	Overreaction
2/19-26/25	51	49
9/6-11/22	56	41
2/22-27/22	61	35
8/3-8/21	62	35
10/21-25/20	68	26
6/14-18/20	72	25
5/3-7/20	69	26
3/24-29/20	86	10
Marquette Law School Poll, Wisconsin surveys, latest: Feb. 19-26, 2025
Question: Do you think the decision in 2020 to close schools and businesses and to restrict the size of public gatherings was an appropriate response to the coronavirus outbreak or was it an overreaction that did more harm than good?

Partisans are extremely polarized on the issue of closures, with 80% of Republicans saying closures were an overreaction and 88% of Democrats saying they were appropriate responses. Independents are a bit more evenly divided with 40% saying closures were appropriate and 58% saying they were an overreaction.

State budget and related issues

A legislative proposal to extend post-partum Medicaid coverage to a full year for new mothers is supported by 67% and opposed by 33%. This is opposed by 54% of Republicans but supported by 74% of independents and 85% of Democrats.

Ending all diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) programs in Wisconsin universities, public schools, and state government is favored by 50% and opposed by 49%. A large majority of Republicans, 86%, favor ending DEI programs, while 92% of Democrats oppose ending DEI. Independents are somewhat closely divided, with 44% in favor of ending DEI programs and 55% opposed.

So-called “red flag laws,” which would allow police to take guns from people found by a judge to be a danger to themselves or others, are supported by 85% and opposed by 15%. This issue is a rare case with large majorities of Republicans, 79%, independents, 68%, and Democrats, 98%, each in favor.

The public is narrowly divided on several issues. On requiring state employees to return to work in their physical offices, 54% favor and 45% oppose a policy of returning to offices.

A similar divide is seen on requiring county law enforcement to cooperate with federal immigration officials to identify immigrants in the United States illegally, and for counties to lose some state revenue if they do not cooperate. Overall, 54% favor this and 45% oppose.

A proposal by Governor Evers to make permanent a child-care subsidy that began during the COVID-19 pandemic but that is set to expire is favored by 54% and opposed by 45%.

With respect to a request by the Universities of Wisconsin system for an $800 million budget increase, 57% are opposed and 42% in favor.

Approval of governor, legislature, and Wisconsin Supreme Court

Evers’ job approval as governor is 49%, with 44% disapproval. That is a slight decline from October 2024. Six percent say they don’t know.

Approval of how the legislature is handling its job is 38%, with disapproval at 49% and 13% who don’t know. When last asked in September 2024, 33% approved and 55% disapproved.

Approval of the Wisconsin Supreme Court stands at 46%, with 37% who disapprove, and 16% who don’t know. In September 2024, 44% approved and 40% disapproved.

About the Marquette Law School Poll

The Marquette Law School Poll is the most extensive statewide polling project in Wisconsin history. The survey was conducted Feb. 19-26, 2025 , interviewing 864 Wisconsin registered voters, with a margin of error of +/-4.6 percentage points. To cover more topics a number of items were asked of a random half-sample of 432 registered voters with a margin of error of +/-6.6 percentage points. The half-sample items are listed below.

Half-sample items:

• Immigration: Deport those in United States illegally; deport those in United States illegally even if they have lived here for a number of years, have jobs, and no criminal record.
• School issues: reading and math scores; achievement gap; education standards; statewide vouchers for all; increase support for students to attend private or public schools; major increase for special education; was decision to close schools and businesses appropriate or an overreaction; $300 million for school mental health.
• Supreme Court issues: appoint or elect judges; should judicial candidates talk about issues; clear idea of what Schimel stands for; clear idea of what Crawford stands for; Act 10; party contributions to Court candidates; importance of state Supreme Court election; can the election tip the balance on the Court.
• Budget and policy issues: require state employees to return to office; require county law enforcement to aid federal immigration officials; end DEI programs in universities, schools, and state government; red flag law; $500 million for child-care subsidy; $800 million increase for Universities of Wisconsin; extend Medicaid post-partum coverage for mothers to 12 months.

The survey was conducted with a hybrid sample of 641 respondents selected from the Wisconsin voter registration list and 223 selected from the SSRS Opinion Panel, a sample drawn from postal addresses across the state and invited to take part in surveys online. The interview was conducted online with 740 respondents and with 124 by telephone with a live interviewer. Full details of the methodology are contained in the methodology statement at the link below.

The partisan makeup of the sample is 36% Republican, 32% Democratic, and 32% independent. When independents who lean to a party are counted as partisans the sample is 46% Republican, 42% Democratic, and 13% independent. In all polls conducted in 2024, the combined samples were 33% Republican, 31% Democratic, and 36% independent. Counting independents who lean to a party as partisans, the 2024 samples were 45% Republican, 42% Democratic, and 12% independent.