MILWAUKEE – As the U.S. Supreme Court is set to decide cases this term concerning laws restricting abortions in Texas and Mississippi, the public has a complicated range of opinions about those laws and whether the Court should overturn the landmark 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, which made abortion legal nationwide.

The latest Marquette Law School Poll focusing on the Supreme Court finds that more respondents oppose overturning Roe than would like to see the ruling struck down. But, at the same time, more are in favor of a ban on abortions after 15 weeks of a pregnancy than are opposed.

Despite the intense debate over abortion since the 1970s, nearly a third say they haven’t heard enough about Roe v. Wade to have an opinion.

The results are from a nationwide survey of 1,004 adults in the period Nov. 1-10, 2021. After an annual such survey in both 2019 and 2020, the Marquette Law School Poll has begun surveying public opinion about the Court, this year, approximately every two months, as major decisions loom and as public attention to the Court has heightened. The margin of error in the current poll is +/-3.9 percentage points.

A new Texas law, known as Senate Bill 8 (SB-8), which bans abortions after about six weeks of pregnancy, once fetal cardiac activity can be detected, and which authorizes individual citizens to sue those who aid others in getting an abortion, is favored by 25% and opposed by 59%, while 16% say they don’t know.

Opinion is sharply divided along ideological lines. Almost three-quarters of those who consider themselves “very conservative” favor the Texas law, while 9-in-10 of those saying they are “very liberal” are opposed to the law. Table 1 shows the full results by ideological self-description.

All results in the tables below are stated as percentages; the precise wording of the questions can be found in the online link noted above.

Table 1: Favor or oppose Texas law SB-8, by ideological self-placement, Nov. 2021

Ideology	Favor	Oppose	Haven’t heard enough
Very conservative	73	14	13
Somewhat conservative	41	33	26
Moderate	20	64	16
Somewhat liberal	3	85	12
Very liberal	3	90	6

The partisan divide is less strong. Among Republicans, 50% favor the law and 33% are opposed. Among independents who lean to the Republican party, 42% favor the law and 37% are opposed. Majorities of Democrats, independents who lean Democratic, and independents (those who do not lean) are opposed to the law, as shown in Table 2.

Table 2: Favor or oppose Texas law SB-8, by party identification, Nov. 2021

Party ID	Favor	Oppose	Haven’t heard enough
Republican	50	33	17
Lean Republican	42	37	21
Independent	20	57	24
Lean Democrat	8	86	7
Democrat	10	76	14

Just less than half, 48%, of those who describe themselves as “born again” favor the Texas law, while 28% are opposed. Majorities of the other religious groups measured in the survey are opposed to the law, as shown in Table 3.

Table 3: Favor or oppose Texas law SB-8, by religious identification, Nov. 2021

Religion	Favor	Oppose	Haven’t heard enough
Born-again (any denomination)	48	28	24
Mainline Protestant	20	67	13
Roman Catholic, not born-again	27	53	20
No religion	10	80	10
Other religion	15	72	12

Support for overturning Roe v. Wade, the 1973 ruling that established a constitutional right to an abortion, remains a minority view. Twenty-one percent favor overturning Roe, while 47% are opposed to ending this right to abortion. Despite the intensity of political arguments over Roe for nearly 50 years, 32% say they haven’t heard anything or haven’t heard enough about this issue to have an opinion. This is twice the percentage who said they hadn’t heard enough about Texas SB-8, which was 16%.

In the September 2021 Marquette Law School Poll surveying national opinion about the Supreme Court, 20% favored overturning Roe and 50% were opposed, while 29% said they didn’t know enough about it to have an opinion.

Awareness of the issue of Roe varies with age, while awareness of Texas SB-8 does not. Table 4 shows that those 60 years old or more are much more familiar with Roe than are those younger, especially those 18-29. More than twice as many young adults than older adults say they haven’t heard enough about Roe.

In contrast, the Texas SB-8 law is equally familiar to young and old, as shown in Table 5. While Roe v. Wade has remained controversial for half a century, it seems to have made more of a lasting impression on those old enough to have lived through its immediate aftermath. Among those born after it was decided, there is less familiarity with it. In contrast, the Texas SB-8 law has been hotly contested over the last 3 months and has made an equal, and substantial, impression on all age groups.

Table 4: Favor or oppose overturning Roe v. Wade, by age, Nov. 2021

Age	Heard nothing/not enough	Favor	Oppose
18-29	42	16	43
30-44	39	16	45
45-59	36	17	46
60+	16	30	53

Table 5: Favor or oppose Texas SB-8, by age, Nov. 2021

Age	Haven’t heard enough	Favor	Oppose
18-29	15	19	66
30-44	15	27	58
45-59	21	21	59
60+	14	31	55

As with SB-8, self-described ideology is strongly related to opinion of Roe, with those calling themselves “very liberal” especially likely to have an opinion, as shown in Table 6.

Table 6: Favor or oppose overturning Roe v. Wade, by ideological self-placement, Nov. 2021

Ideology	Heard nothing/not enough	Favor	Oppose
Very conservative	29	61	9
Somewhat conservative	38	38	24
Moderate	39	13	49
Somewhat liberal	26	4	70
Very liberal	9	7	84

As with SB-8, party differences, shown in Table 7, are less sharp than ideological ones (Table 6), though still substantial. The high rates of “haven’t heard enough” responses across party groups is notable, especially among Republicans where more say they haven’t heard enough than say they favor overturning Roe.

Table 7: Favor or oppose overturning Roe v. Wade, by party identification, Nov. 2021

Party ID	Heard nothing/not enough	Favor	Oppose
Republican	39	37	24
Lean Republican	28	47	25
Independent	44	17	39
Lean Democrat	23	3	75
Democrat	27	8	65

Variation in opinion of overturning Roe, by religious group, is shown in Table 8. Again, there are many who say they haven’t heard enough, across all the groups. More favor than oppose overturning Roe among those who say they are “born again,” while more oppose overturning it among other groups.

Table 8: Favor or oppose overturning Roe v. Wade, by religious identification, Nov. 2021

Religion	Heard nothing/not enough	Favor	Oppose
Born-again (any denomination)	36	39	25
Mainline Protestant	30	14	55
Roman Catholic, not born-again	37	20	42
No religion	25	10	64
Other religion	33	17	50

The Supreme Court is set to hear Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization on Dec. 1, which concerns a Mississippi law that bans most abortions after 15 weeks of pregnancy. It is regarded as an opportunity for the Court to overrule Roe v. Wade if it wishes to do so.

Thus, survey respondents were asked if they would favor or oppose a ruling to “uphold a state law that (except in cases of medical emergencies or fetal abnormalities) bans abortions after the 15th week of pregnancy” or if they haven’t heard enough about this to have an opinion. Thirty-seven percent favor a decision upholding such a law, while 32% would oppose such a ruling and 30% say they haven’t heard enough. In September, 40% favored upholding such a law, 34% opposed such a law, and 27% said they hadn’t heard enough.

Respondents prefer not to overturn Roe, by greater than a 2-1 ratio (47%-21%), but, at the same time, are slightly more willing to accept a 15-week ban than they are opposed to doing so. This is in line with much national polling on abortion over the years, which consistently finds support for maintaining Roe and a right to an abortion but accepts a variety of restrictions including on the timing of abortions, as in this case.

There are ideological differences on the Dobbs issue, with both very conservative and very liberal respondents equally aware of the possible decision. Those who are less ideological are twice as likely to say they haven’t heard enough, as shown in Table 9.

Table 9: Favor or oppose upholding 15-week abortion ban, by ideological self-placement, Nov. 2021

Ideology	Heard nothing/not enough	Favor	Oppose
Very conservative	16	80	5
Somewhat conservative	32	55	12
Moderate	36	32	32
Somewhat liberal	30	15	55
Very liberal	17	17	65

Party differences in opinion of the Dobbs issue are shown in Table 10.

Table 10: Favor or oppose upholding 15-week abortion ban, by party identification, Nov. 2021

Party ID	Heard nothing/not enough	Favor	Oppose
Republican	28	60	12
Lean Republican	26	59	15
Independent	39	35	25
Lean Democrat	29	15	56
Democrat	29	23	48

Religious groups in Table 11 show substantial variation in views of an abortion ban after the 15th week of pregnancy, with those who say they are “born again” the most in favor of upholding the ban and the non-religious most opposed.

Table 11: Favor or oppose upholding 15-week abortion ban, by religious identification, Nov. 2021

Religion	Heard nothing/not enough	Favor	Oppose
Born-again (any denomination)	33	55	12
Mainline Protestant	28	38	35
Roman Catholic, not born-again	31	38	29
No religion	31	23	46
Other religion	24	34	43

On Nov. 1, the Supreme Court heard arguments in two cases concerning the ability of the federal government and of abortion providers in Texas to bring lawsuits challenging SB-8, given the unusual structure of the Texas law which relies on enforcement through suits brought by individual citizens and excludes state officials from enforcing the law. These cases as presented to the Court involve procedural issues and issues of standing rather than abortion policy per se. We asked, concerning one of these cases, if the respondent would favor or oppose a ruling “that the United States government has the right to bring suit in federal court to try to prohibit Texas Senate Bill 8, the law that bans almost all abortions in the state after about six weeks of pregnancy, from being enforced,” or if the respondent hadn’t heard enough about this.

Thirty-eight percent favor allowing the federal government to bring suit against SB-8, while 30% oppose allowing the suit and 31% say they haven’t heard enough about this.

Of those who say they favor the Texas law, 18% say the Court should allow the federal government to bring suit against SB-8 and 51% say the suit should not be allowed, with 31% saying they haven’t heard enough about this case.

Among those who oppose Texas SB-8, 54% say the Court should allow the federal government to bring suit against SB-8 and 24% say the suit should not be allowed, with 22% saying they haven’t heard enough about this case.

Gun rights

On Nov. 3, the Court heard oral arguments in New York State Rifle & Pistol Association Inc. v. Bruen. This case considers whether a New York denial of an application for concealed-carry licenses for self-defense violates the Second Amendment.

This survey asked if the respondent would favor or oppose a decision “that the Second Amendment right to ‘keep and bear arms’ protects the right to carry a gun outside the home.” Forty-six percent say they favor such a ruling, while 25% are opposed and 27% say they haven’t heard enough to form an opinion. In September, 44% favored such a ruling, 26% were opposed, and 29% said they hadn’t heard enough.

Those with a gun in the household are much more supportive of a right to carry a gun outside the home, as shown in Table 12. Those without a gun in the household are about evenly split, while a large majority of gun householders support a right to carry. Gun owners are also more likely to have an opinion on the issue than are those without guns in their home.

Table 12: Favor or oppose right to carry a gun, by gun in the household, Nov. 2021

Gun household	Heard nothing	Not heard enough	Favor	Oppose
Gun household	5	13	61	17
Not gun household	10	23	35	31

Approval of the Supreme Court

Approval of the U.S. Supreme Court rose slightly to 54% in November, up from 49% in September. Disapproval declined to 46% in November from 50% in September. In the September 2020 survey, 66% approved and 33% disapproved of the way the Court was handling its job.

Approval rose among Democrats, after falling sharply in September, while there was little change among independents and Republicans. Independents remain below their higher approval levels of July 2021. Table 13 shows approval by party over four Marquette Law School surveys since September 2020.

Table 13: Approval of the Supreme Court, by party, Sept. 2020-Nov. 2021

Party ID	Poll dates	Approve	Disapprove	Skipped on web	Refused
Republican	9/8-15/20	80	19	2	0
Republican	7/16-26/21	57	42	0	1
Republican	9/7-16/21	61	38	0	1
Republican	11/1-10/21	61	39	0	0
Independent	9/8-15/20	64	34	2	0
Independent	7/16-26/21	61	37	0	1
Independent	9/7-16/21	51	48	0	1
Independent	11/1-10/21	53	47	0	1
Democrat	9/8-15/20	57	43	0	0
Democrat	7/16-26/21	59	40	0	1
Democrat	9/7-16/21	37	62	0	1
Democrat	11/1-10/21	49	50	0	1

While approval of the Court has fluctuated, it remains the branch of the federal government with the most positive responses when people were asked which branch they trust the most, as shown in Table 14.

Table 14: Trust in branches over time

Survey	The Congress	The Presidency	The Supreme Court
9/3-13/19	21	21	57
9/8-15/20	16	24	59
7/16-26/21	13	28	58
9/7-16/21	16	25	58
11/1-10/21	16	23	60

Perceptions of the basis of decisions

Several justices have recently given speeches or public remarks arguing that the Court is not a political body and are not “politicians in robes” or the like. A majority of the public, 70%, say the justices decide cases based on “mainly the law,” while 30% say decisions are based on “mainly politics.” The percentage saying “mainly the law” rose in July, compared to 2019 and 2020 data, but fell by 10 points in September. In the new survey, it has returned to the July level, as shown in Table 15.

Table 15: In general, what most often motivates Supreme Court justices’ decisions?

Survey	Mainly politics	Mainly the law
9/3-13/19	35	64
9/8-15/20	37	62
7/16-26/21	29	71
9/7-16/21	39	61
11/1-10/21	30	70

Partisan differences are modest in perceptions of the basis of decisions, with majorities of all groups saying decisions are mostly based on the law, as shown in Table 16. There has been little change in perceptions among partisans over time, as shown in Table 17, although the share of Democrats saying decisions are mostly political rose from 2019 through September 2021 but then fell in the November poll. At least 60 percent of each partisan group have said “mainly the law” in each survey, with a single exception at 57%.

Table 16: Are justices’ decisions based mainly on the law or mainly on politics, by party identification, Nov. 2021

Party ID	Mainly politics	Mainly the law
Republican	24	76
Independent	32	68
Democrat	33	67

Table 17: Are justices’ decisions based mainly on the law or mainly on politics, by party identification over time

Party ID	Survey	Mainly politics	Mainly the law
Republican	9/3-13/19	33	67
Republican	9/8-15/20	39	60
Republican	7/16-26/21	24	76
Republican	9/7-16/21	34	66
Republican	11/1-10/21	24	76
Independent	9/3-13/19	38	61
Independent	9/8-15/20	35	65
Independent	7/16-26/21	25	75
Independent	9/7-16/21	39	61
Independent	11/1-10/21	32	68
Democrat	9/3-13/19	35	65
Democrat	9/8-15/20	39	61
Democrat	7/16-26/21	40	60
Democrat	9/7-16/21	43	57
Democrat	11/1-10/21	33	67

Those who disapprove of the Court’s handling of its job are much more likely to say decisions are based on politics than are those who approve of the Court’s handling of its job. The percentage saying “mainly politics” or “mainly the law” has fluctuated over time, as shown in Table 18.

Table 18: Are justices’ decisions based mainly on the law or mainly on politics, by approval of the Court’s handling of its job, over time

Approval of Court	Survey	Mainly politics	Mainly the law
Approve	9/8-15/20	28	72
Approve	7/16-26/21	17	83
Approve	9/7-16/21	24	76
Approve	11/1-10/21	18	82
Disapprove	9/8-15/20	56	44
Disapprove	7/16-26/21	47	53
Disapprove	9/7-16/21	54	46
Disapprove	11/1-10/21	44	56

Changes to the Court

The Presidential Commission on the Supreme Court, appointed by President Joe Biden, has recently held hearings and released draft reports on potential changes to the Court, including expansion of the number of justices, limiting the terms of justices, and possible limits on judicial review of acts of Congress, among other topics.

The work of the commission has been largely invisible to the general public. In the new poll, 45% say they’ve heard nothing at all about it, and 42% say they’ve heard only a little. Just 10% have heard a fair bit, and only 2% say they’ve heard a lot.

Since 2019, the Marquette Law School Supreme Court survey has asked about support for Court expansion, limiting the justices’ terms, and limiting judicial review (the latter two were not asked in July 2021). There has been little change in any of these opinions since 2019. Tables 19-21 show these trends for each of the potential changes. While a substantial majority has consistently supported limiting the current lifetime tenure, a smaller majority has opposed limiting judicial review of acts of Congress. Expansion of the number of justices has been the most evenly divided, but that divide has changed little since 2019.

Table 19: Favor or oppose increasing the number of justices on the Court

Survey	Favor	Oppose	Skipped/Ref
9/3-13/19	42	56	2
9/8-15/20	46	53	1
7/16-26/21	48	51	0
9/7-16/21	48	51	0
11/1-10/21	48	52	0

Table 20: Favor or oppose fixed terms for justices, rather than life terms, 2019-2021

Survey	Favor	Oppose	Skipped/Ref
9/3-13/19	71	28	1
9/8-15/20	75	24	1
9/7-16/21	72	27	0
11/1-10/21	72	27	0

Table 21: Favor or oppose limiting ability of the Court to review and set aside acts of Congress as unconstitutional (judicial review)

Survey	Favor	Oppose	Skipped/Ref
9/3-13/19	37	61	2
9/8-15/20	41	58	2
9/7-16/21	40	60	0
11/1-10/21	43	56	0

About the Marquette Law School Poll

The survey was conducted Nov. 1-10, 2021, interviewing 1,004 adults nationwide, with a margin of error of +/-3.9 percentage points. Interviews were conducted using the SSRS Opinion Panel, a national probability sample with interviews conducted online. The detailed methodology statement, survey instrument, topline results, and crosstabs for this release are available at https://law.marquette.edu/poll/category/results-and-data/. Some items from this survey are held for later release.

Wording of questions about possible future Supreme Court decisions: These items do not attempt to exactly frame the particular issues in specific cases, but rather address the topic in more general terms.

Do you favor or oppose the following possible future Supreme Court decisions, or haven’t you heard enough about this to have an opinion? …

• Overturn Roe versus Wade, thus striking down the 1973 decision that made abortion legal in all 50 states.
• Rule that the 2nd Amendment right to “keep and bear arms” protects the right to carry a gun outside the home.
• Rule to uphold a state law that (except in cases of medical emergencies or fetal abnormalities) bans abortions after the 15th week of pregnancy.
• Rule that the United States government has the right to bring suit in federal court to try to prohibit Texas Senate Bill 8, the law that bans almost all abortions in the state after about six weeks of pregnancy, from being enforced.

MILWAUKEE – A new Marquette Law School Poll survey of Wisconsin registered voters finds that incumbents of both parties face a challenging political environment one year before the 2022 election, with a greater number of unfavorable than favorable views of all seven political figures included in the survey. Among registered voters, 40% say they would vote to reelect Gov. Tony Evers, while 53% would vote for someone else and 6% say they don’t know or decline to say. For Sen. Ron Johnson, 38% say they would vote to reelect him, 52% would vote for someone else, and 10% say they don’t know or decline to answer.

Evers’ job approval stands at 45%, while 46% disapprove. When last measured in August 2021, 50% approved and 43% disapproved.

Evers is viewed favorably by 42% and unfavorably by 45%, with 13% saying they don’t know enough about him or don’t have an opinion. For Johnson, 36% have a favorable opinion, 42% have an unfavorable opinion, and 22% say they don’t know enough or don’t have an opinion. In August, Evers was seen favorably by 46% and unfavorably by 42%, while Johnson was viewed favorably by 35% and unfavorably by 42%.

Both Evers and Johnson have spoken frequently about the coronavirus pandemic. Fifty-three percent say they trust Evers as a source of information about the virus either a great deal or a fair amount, while 45% say they trust him not much or not at all. Thirty-nine percent trust Johnson a great deal or a fair amount for coronavirus information, while 54% say they trust him not much or not at all.

Approval of Evers’ handing of the pandemic is 53%, with 40% disapproval. In August, 54% approved and 39% disapproved.

President Joe Biden’s job approval rating has declined to 43%, with 53% saying they disapprove and 4% say they don’t know. His job approval is down from 49% in August, when 46% disapproved.

Thirty-nine percent approve of how Biden is handling the economy, with 56% disapproving and 5% saying they don’t know. On his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, 50% approve, 46% disapprove, and 3% say they don’t know. In August, 46% approved of Biden’s handling of the economy and 48% disapproved. His August approval for handling the pandemic was 54%, with disapproval at 42%.

While Biden’s job approval rating has fallen, he leads former President Donald Trump in a hypothetical 2024 rematch, with 45% for Biden to 41% for Trump. Eleven percent of respondents say they would vote for neither, and 3% say they don’t know. In the final Marquette Law School Poll before the 2020 election, among all registered voters, Biden was supported by 47%, as opposed to 43% for Trump. Biden won Wisconsin in the 2020 election by 0.6 percentage points, 49.4% to 48.8%.

Sen. Tammy Baldwin is viewed favorably by 38% and unfavorably by 39%, while 22% do not have an opinion. In August, she was viewed favorably by 40% and unfavorably by 38%, with 22% not offering an opinion.

Other political figures also were viewed more unfavorably than favorably.

• Biden is given a favorable rating by 44% and an unfavorable rating by 52%, with 4% unable to give a rating.
• Vice President Kamala Harris is seen favorably by 39% and unfavorably by 47%, with 14% unable to give a rating.
• Trump is rated favorably by 38% and unfavorably by 57%, with 5% not rating him.
• Former Vice President Mike Pence is seen favorably by 38% and unfavorably by 42%, with 20% not giving a rating.

Direction of the state and concern about issues

About the state of Wisconsin, 41% say the state is headed in the right direction, while 51% say it is off on the wrong track. In August, 39% said the state was headed in the right direction and 52% said it was on the wrong track.

Concern about inflation has increased since August. In that poll, 49% were very concerned, while October’s survey shows that figure rising to 64%. In October, an additional 28% are somewhat concerned and 7% who are not too concerned or not at all concerned. In August, 35% were somewhat concerned and 14% were not too or not at all concerned.

Those very concerned about illegal immigration rose to 43% in October, from 37% in August. The number of those somewhat concerned was little changed at 25%, up slightly from 24% in August. Those not too concerned or not at all concerned amounted to 31% in October and 39% in August.

Forty percent say they are very concerned about the coronavirus pandemic, with 34% somewhat concerned and 25% not too or not at all concerned. This question was not asked in the August poll.

2020 Election

Confidence in the accuracy of the 2020 election in Wisconsin is little changed at 65% from 67% in August. Those with doubts about the election were 32% in October, the same as the August poll.

Confidence in the 2020 election—that “the votes for president were accurately cast and counted”—is strongly related to party identification, as shown in Table 1.

Table 1: Confidence in 2020 election results in Wisconsin, by party identification

Party ID	Confident	Not confident	DK/Ref
Republican	33	64	4
Independent	67	30	3
Democrat	99	1	0

Almost two thirds of respondents, 65%, say they have not heard enough to have an opinion about the election review being conducted by former Wisconsin Supreme Court Justice Michael Gableman. Eleven percent approve of how he is handling the review and 22% disapprove.

While Republicans are much more doubtful about the accuracy of the 2020 election, as shown in Table 1 above, they are less likely than Democrats to say they have heard enough to have an opinion of the Gableman review. Some 72% of Republicans say they don’t know enough about this, while 56% of Democrats and 67% of independents say they lack enough information. Views of the Gableman investigation by party are shown in Table 2.

Table 2: Approval of Gableman election review, by party identification

Party ID	Approve	Disapprove	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know
Republican	15	9	72	4
Independent	11	21	67	1
Democrat	7	37	56	0

Half of respondents, 50%, say they have not heard enough about the election review conducted by the Legislative Audit Bureau to have an opinion of that report. There were 28% who say it shows the election was largely safe and secure and 17% who say the report raises doubts about the election. An additional 5% say they don’t know. As with the Gableman review, Republicans are less aware of this report than are Democrats, while partisans differ substantially in their conclusions about the report.

Table 3: Perception of the Legislative Audit Bureau election report, by party identification

Party ID	Largely safe and secure	Raises doubts about the election	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	8	30	54	8	0
Independent	22	18	55	5	0
Democrat	58	2	37	3	0

State issues

The decennial redistricting process is being followed very or fairly closely by 39% of respondents, while 60% say they are following it not too closely or not at all.

A majority, 63%, say redistricting should be conducted by a nonpartisan commission, while 25% say it should be done by the legislature and the governor. On this issue, there are virtually no partisan differences, as shown in Table 4, with more than 60% support for nonpartisan redistricting among each partisan group.

Table 4: Preferred method of redistricting, by party identification

Party ID	Legislature and governor	Nonpartisan commission	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	24	62	15	0
Independent	23	63	15	0
Democrat	29	64	6	1

A majority, 62%, support the current state law allowing concealed carry of handguns with a required license, while 29% oppose the law. A recent legislative proposal that would allow concealed carry without requiring a license is favored by 20% and opposed by 76%.

Over two-thirds of respondents, 69%, say that crime is rising nationally, while 10% say crime is about the same and 11% say there is less crime than a year ago.

In their daily activities, 78% say they feel safe from crime, while 21% say they worry about crime. This fear of crime in daily life is not related to support for licensed concealed carry laws, as shown in Table 5.

Table 5: Support for licensed concealed carry, by worry about crime in daily activities

Feel safe or worry about crime	Favor	Oppose
Feel safe	62	29
Worried	61	32

A proposal is currently being considered to amend the state constitution so that the governor would appoint the state school superintendent. Appointment of the school superintendent by the governor is supported by 9%, while 85% prefer the current system, where the superintendent is elected.

With the U.S. Supreme Court set to hear a major abortion case on Dec. 1, a majority of Wisconsin residents, 61%, say that abortion should be legal in all or most cases, while 34% say it should be illegal in all or most cases. The trend in opinion on abortion is shown in Table 6.

Table 6: Trend in opinion about abortion

Poll dates	Legal in all cases	Legal in most cases	Illegal in most cases	Illegal in all cases
9/13-16/12	26	34	23	13
9/27-30/12	25	35	23	12
10/11-14/12	25	34	25	12
10/25-28/12	28	32	23	12
10/21-24/13	26	36	25	10
10/23-26/14	24	34	24	15
7/11-15/18	27	36	18	11
9/12-16/18	26	36	21	9
10/24-28/18	26	29	24	14
2/19-23/20	18	37	22	15
10/26-31/21	23	38	23	11

Effect of school disruption on children

A majority of respondents, 57%, say they are very concerned about children falling behind academically due to disruptions caused by the coronavirus pandemic. Another 31% are somewhat concerned, and 12% are not too or not at all concerned.

Similar percentages are concerned about children’s mental or emotional health being affected by the disruptions of school, with 59% very concerned, 30% somewhat concerned, and 9% not too or not at all concerned.

Tables 7 and 8 show concern about school children by whether the respondent has a school-age child in the household. Those with children are slightly less concerned than those without children.

Table 7: Concern about children’s academic progress, by children in home

Children in home	Very concerned	Somewhat concerned	Not too concerned	Not at all concerned
Children in home	50	35	13	2
No children in home	60	29	7	3

Table 8: Concern about children’s mental or emotional health, by children in home

Children in home	Very concerned	Somewhat concerned	Not too concerned	Not at all concerned
Children in home	56	35	7	1
No children in home	60	28	6	4

A majority, 60%, say they are very satisfied or satisfied with the job public schools are doing in their community, down from 69% in the August survey by the Marquette Law School Poll. And, in the current poll, 31% are dissatisfied or very dissatisfied, up from 21% in August. The comparison across surveys is shown in Table 9.

Table 9: Satisfaction with public schools in August and October 2021

Poll dates	Very satisfied	Satisfied	Dissatisfied	Very dissatisfied	Mixed feelings (VOL)	Don’t know
8/3-8/21	22	47	15	6	2	7
10/26-31/21	25	35	18	13	2	8

Satisfaction with schools by presence of children in the household and by survey is shown in Table 10. For those with children, both the percentage of very satisfied and the percentage of very dissatisfied rose from August to October, with somewhat smaller changes among those without children.

Table 10: Satisfaction with public schools, by children in home in August and October 2021

Children in home	Poll dates	Very satisfied	Satisfied	Dissatisfied	Very dissatisfied	Mixed feelings (VOL)	Don’t know
Children in home	8/3-8/21	22	46	17	7	2	5
Children in home	10/26-31/21	33	30	18	18	1	1
No children in home	8/3-8/21	22	48	15	6	2	7
No children in home	10/26-31/21	23	37	18	10	2	10

Fifty-five percent support requiring students and teachers to wear masks in schools, with 40% opposed. Those with children are slightly less supportive of a mask requirement, 51%, than are those without children, 58%.

Coronavirus and vaccines

Wisconsin voters are evenly divided on a federal requirement that companies with over 100 employees require vaccinations or weekly testing for workers, with 48% in favor and 48% opposed.

In this survey of registered voters, 74% say they have received at least one dose of a coronavirus vaccine, while 23% say they have not been vaccinated. An additional 3% say they don’t know or declined to answer. As of Oct. 31, the final day of interviewing for this poll, the Centers for Disease Control data showed 69% of Wisconsin residents age 18 and over have received at least one dose. In the poll, 62% report having completed the vaccine series, while the CDC data for Wisconsin show 66% having completed the series.

Of those who have not yet received a vaccination, 56% say they will definitely not get the vaccine and another 18% say they probably won’t get the vaccine. Seven percent of unvaccinated respondents say they will definitely get vaccinated, and another 15% say they probably will get vaccinated.

About the Marquette Law School Poll

The Marquette Law School Poll is the most extensive statewide polling project in Wisconsin history. This poll interviewed 805 registered Wisconsin voters by landline or cell phone, Oct. 26-31, 2021. The margin of error is +/-3.9 percentage points for the full sample. Some items were asked of half the sample. Those on Form A were asked of 401 respondents and have a margin of error of +/-5.6 percentage points. Form B items were asked of 404 respondents and have a margin of error of +/-5.5 percentage points.

Items asked of half-samples include on Form A concern for inflation, illegal immigration, and coronavirus; redistricting items; direction of the state and on Form B perceptions of crime; support for concealed carry; election or appointment of the state school superintendent; and opinion about abortion.

The partisan makeup of the sample, including those who lean to a party, is 45% Republican, 44% Democratic and 9% independent. The partisan makeup of the sample, excluding those who lean to a party, is 30% Republican, 29% Democratic and 40% independent.

Since January 2019, the long-term partisan balance, including those who lean to a party, in the Marquette poll has been 45% Republican and 44% Democratic, with 9% independent. Partisanship exuding those who lean has been 29% Republican and 28% Democratic, with 41% independent.

The entire questionnaire, methodology statement, full results and breakdowns by demographic groups are available at law.marquette.edu/poll/results-and-data.