Justice Roberts Has A Little List

the_mikado1The Supreme Court ruled yesterday in Caperton v. A.T. Massey Coal Company that the Due Process Clause of the United States Constitution is violated by the refusal of a judge to recuse herself when the disproportionate campaign contributions of a litigant on behalf of that judge create a serious, objective risk of actual bias. Rick Esenberg has posted on some of the issues raised by the majority opinion here. For me, the most interesting part of the case was actually the dissent by Justice John Roberts. In it, Justice Roberts objects to the uncertainty that federal judges will encounter as they attempt to apply this constitutional right in future cases with disparate fact patterns. In a bit of theatricality worthy of Gilbert & Sullivan, the Chief Justice’s dissent presents a list of 40 questions that the majority opinion leaves unanswered.

The Chief Justice makes a rather stark assertion: “The Court’s inability to formulate a ‘judicially discernible and manageable standard’ strongly counsels against the recognition of a novel constitutional right.” He cites to Veith v. Jubelirer in support of this statement, which of course held no such thing. In fact, as a plurality opinion devoted to the issue of what constitutes a “political question,” the Veith case is a fairly slender reed upon which to rest such a sweeping proposition.

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Bork Reconsidered, Part I

borkIn my third year of law school, the speaker at our law review banquet was a Boston Globe reporter who talked about a book he was writing on the Robert Bork confirmation battle.  I didn’t pay much attention to his speech, other than to complain loudly to all within hearing that a judge would have been a much more prestigious invitee than a reporter.  Ethan Bronner’s book, Battle for Justice, came out the following year and has since been recognized as a classic treatment of the modern Supreme Court nomination process.

The nomination of Judge Sonia Sotomayor provided me with a convenient excuse to reread Bronner’s treatment of the Bork confirmation debate and to consider whether the lessons learned during that experience have any application to the Obama Administration’s first Supreme Court nominee.  The first, and most obvious, conclusion is that extreme rhetoric about the nominee has become an accepted tactic by the opponents of the party in power.  Senator Edward Kennedy’s denunciation of “Robert Bork’s America” as a land where women are forced to seek back-alley abortions and lunch counters are re-segregated will rightly be remembered as the low point in a long political career.  Similarly, the former Speaker of the House, Newt Gingrich, has had his reputation irrevocably damaged by his casual labeling of Judge Sotomayor as a “racist.”  However, in both cases, the extreme rhetoric served the larger purpose of energizing the base against a nomination and simultaneously engaging the attention of the public at large by raising the stakes of the confirmation. 

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Does Justice Souter Make a Difference?

This is my final posting as the Faculty Blogger for the Month of May.  Thanks to everyone who has commented on my posts and a special thanks to my colleague Michael O’Hear.

As we await word on the nomination of Justice Souter’s replacement on the Supreme Court, many observers are wondering whether the change in personnel will make any difference in the Court’s jurisprudence.  The consensus seems to be that the direction of the Court will not change significantly.  Depending upon whom President Obama nominates, however, there is one area where Justice Souter’s replacement may make a difference.

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