Why the Supreme Court Should Uphold the Individual Mandate

This afternoon, I participated in a debate with Rick Esenberg at the Marquette University Law School.  The debate was co-sponsored by the American Constitution Society and the Federalist Society.  I was asked to defend the constitutionality of the individual mandate imposed by the Affordable Care Act.  What follows are my prepared remarks.

Historians tell us that the connection between access to health insurance and employment was an accident. During World War II, wage and price controls prevented employers from increasing cash compensation for their workers. Employers wishing to recruit workers began to offer subsidized health insurance benefits as a way of avoiding this freeze on wages.

This is not a gift to workers from employers. We all pay for our health insurance with our labor. In return for our labor, we receive a combination of cash, employer provided benefits and non-cash prerequisites. The amount that employers pay towards our health insurance premiums is part of our income, which is why we are taxed on our employer-provided insurance above a certain level. The government encourages employers to offer health insurance benefits by allowing the employer to deduct these expenses as a business expense. About 60% of us receive health insurance through our employer.

The elderly and the disabled are not physically capable of working. Employer-based health insurance does not work for them. They receive their health insurance through Medicare. Participants pay certain deductibles and co-payments, but the bulk of the cost is imposed on the rest of us in the form of a payroll tax and the government then pays medical providers.

So our health insurance system has become tied to employment. As the costs of health care rise, it is increasingly difficult for middle and lower income Americans to afford health insurance unless they get it through an employer. This is because, as I mentioned, an employer will partially subsidize the cost of the premium as a component of total compensation. In addition, an employer can offer access to a plan that includes many other workers, thus broadening the risk pool and lowering the overall premium for each worker. An individual who seeks to purchase health insurance on their own gets neither of these two advantages. As health care costs continue to rise (an annual increase of about 8% in recent years), this cost differential becomes more significant.

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Ombuds Perspective on Whistleblowing Laws

Last week, we had wonderful talk entitled Blowing the Whistle on Whistleblowing Laws.  Attorney Charles L. (Chuck) Howard is one of the few attorneys in the U.S. with extensive expertise in the legal issues of ombudsmen. Howard has a national practice in representing organizational ombudsmen at universities, multinational corporations, and research institutions.  His new book, entitled The Organizational Ombudsman: Origins, Roles and Operations–A Legal Guide, was just published by the American Bar Association (ABA) and is the nation’s definitive resource book about ombudsmen, mediation, and their impact in the workplace.

In this presentation, he explored how fear of retaliation limits the effectiveness of whistleblower laws and policies. There are hundreds of whistleblower laws in the United States that provide incentives for people to report misconduct and prohibit retaliation against them for doing so. While recoveries from laws like the False Claims Act are significant, the perception — and often the reality — of what happens to whistleblowers who do come forward is that they pay dearly for their actions. In addition to trying to reward whistleblowers, why are we not also looking for better ways to help people address workplace conflict or misconduct without having to be a whistleblower? Howard argued that an organizational ombudsman can help an organization address this gap between encouraging the reporting of misconduct and protecting those who raise issues.

Several of my students’ comments about the talk are below: 

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You Are Not Leaving on a Jet Plane–Not Dressed Like That

On September 1, Green Day’s frontman Billie Joe Armstrong was removed from a Southwest Airlines flight because his pants were too saggy.  Two months ago a football player from the University of New Mexico was also removed from a flight, this time by US Airways.  With these events taking place in relatively rapid succession, the blogosphere lit up with complaints about the airlines.  There are even online petitions and calls for both men to sue their respective airlines.

I view this no differently than the signs I saw as a kid walking into restaurants: “No Shirt, No Shoes, No Service.”  A private company has a right to enforce a dress code on patrons.

Those calling for a lawsuit may have their trigger fingers a bit too itchy.  This was by no means a restriction based on race, ethnicity, gender, etc.  This was a company seeking to enforce a public dress code.

Perhaps this is a potential market opening for any of you with millions just looking for something to do with it – open an airline that allows passengers to wear their pants sagging.

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