Are the Court’s Unexpected Sixth Amendment Revolutions Coming to an End?

bastilleThis is the sixth and final in a series of posts reviewing last term’s criminal cases in the United States Supreme Court and previewing the new term.

When it comes to the constitutional rights of criminal defendants at the Supreme Court, the conventional story of the past half-century goes something like this: Responding to the embarrassing state of criminal justice in the American South in the civil rights era, the activist Warren Court led a revolution in defendants’ rights.  The Court held that most of the basic Bill of Rights protections applied to the states, liberally construed the scope of those rights, and adopted new exclusionary rules to enforce the rights.  The activism of the Warren Court provoked a popular backlash, however, and a series of Republican presidents succeeded in moving the Court to the right.  The Court’s hard-core conservatives  have pushed aggressively to overturn landmark Warren Court precedents, while the more moderate conservatives have charted an unpredictable path, caught between their skepticism of the Warren Court agenda and their reluctance to overturn established precedent.  Meanwhile, the liberals have been on the defensive for a generation, able to do little more than occasionally preserve the gains of an earlier era.

What is one to make, then, of the twin Sixth Amendment revolutions of the past decade? 

Against all expectations, two of the Court’s hard-core conservatives (Scalia and Thomas) joined with a subset of its liberals to expand the Sixth Amendment rights to a jury trial and to confront accusers.  Both revolutions overturned settled law and opened many new avenues for defendants to challenge their convictions and sentences. 

But now there are good reasons to wonder whether the revolutions are over. 

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Two Views of Constitutional Rights: Anti-Badgering Versus Informed Consent

badgerThis is the fifth in a series of posts reviewing last term’s criminal cases in the United States Supreme Court and previewing the new term.

You can tell there are no Wisconsinites currently on the Supreme Court — otherwise, the Justices would not treat “badger” as such a bad word.  In an earlier post, I discussed the Court’s marked left-right divide last term in its cases dealing with police investigation practices.  To my mind, the most interesting of these cases was Montejo v. Louisiana, 129 S. Ct. 2079 (2009), which nicely exemplifies the competing views of defendants’ rights on the Court. 

In Montejo, the Court substantially weakened the Sixth Amendment right to counsel by overturning Michigan v. Jackson, 475 U.S. 625 (1986).  Jackson had prohibited police from initiating the interrogation of a criminal defendant once the defendant had requested counsel at an arraignment. 

Why did the Court think Jackson unnecessary?  The answer lies in the Court’s concern with “badgering.” 

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Eighth Circuit Reinstates ERISA Case Against Wal-Mart Involving Iqbal Plausibility Standard

401K_2 A number of my ERISA friends have sent me the case of Braden v. Wal-Mart Stores, No. 08-3798 (8th Cir. Nov. 25, 2009).  The case involves a class action dispute, alleging breach of fiduciary issues in the way that Wal-Mart managed its profit sharing and 401(k) retirement plans:

The gravamen of the complaint is that appellees failed adequately to evaluate the investment options included in the Plan. It alleges that the process by which the mutual funds were selected was tainted by appellees’ failure to consider trustee Merrill Lynch’s interest in including funds that shared their fees with the trustee. The result of these failures, according to Braden, is that some or all of the investment options included in the Plan charge excessive fees. He estimates that these fees have unnecessarily cost the Plan some $60 million over the past six years and will continue to waste approximately $20 million per year . . . .

Braden alleges extensive facts in support of these claims. He claims that Wal-
Mart’s retirement plan is relatively large and that plans of such size have substantial bargaining power in the highly competitive 401(k) marketplace. As a result, plans such as Wal-Mart’s can obtain institutional shares of mutual funds, which, Braden claims, are significantly cheaper than the retail shares generally offered to individual investors. Nonetheless, he alleges that the Plan only offers retail class shares to participants. Braden also avers that seven of the ten funds charge 12b-1 fees, which he alleges are used to benefit the fund companies but not Plan participants.

The case is significant because the Plan has over one million participants and nearly $10 billion in assets.

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