Get ready for 6 years of Supreme Court races

Wisconsin has held just 1 Supreme Court race in the past four years, but that is about to change. The 2025 SCOWIS race kicks off a six-year streak of annual elections. Six out of seven seats will be elected before the next redistricting cycle.

The rest of this post will briefly recap how the current 7 justices were elected. These races cover a wide variety of circumstances and likely give a good preview of things to come. If the past few years are any guide, these races will feature high turnout and extreme partisanship.

Appointment calculus

All of the current justices are serving a ten-year term to which they were elected. It’s fairly common, however, for justices to end their terms early, whether due to death or retirement.

When this happens, the governor independently appoints a successor, with no involvement from the legislature. That appointed justice then stands for election in the first year “when no other justice is to be elected,” per Wisc. Stat. 8.50(4)(f)1.

Consequently, if Janet Protasiewicz (elected in 2023) were to resign (or otherwise leave office), the governor’s appointed replacement would serve until an election in 2031. If another of the current justices vacates before their term ends, their appointed successor will serve until the year when their election was already scheduled.

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The stakes

Voters this April will choose whether liberal candidate Susan Crawford or former Republican Attorney General Brad Schimel will replace retiring justice Anne Walsh Bradley on the bench.

Bradley is part of the 4-justice liberal majority, so a victory by Schimel would flip control of the court for at least another year. Liberals would have a chance to win it back in 2026 or 2027, when the terms of Rebecca Bradley and Annette Ziegler, respectively, end.

If Crawford wins, conservatives will have to wait until at least 2028 for another shot at the majority. Also, the liberals could double their 1-justice majority by flipping either of the next two races.

How this court got here

Spring elections in Wisconsin can feature an eclectic mix of offices including judicial races, school boards, the state superintendent, constitutional referendums, and presidential primaries. The specific set of races on the ballot varies each year.

Even with this variation, there is a clear trend of growing participation in SCOWIS elections.

The following table shows the results of the races that elected each of the current seven justices.

table showing statistics from the past 7 SCOWIS races
  • Just 18% of adults voted in 2015, when Anne Walsh Bradley was last reelected.
  • The next SCOWIS race coincided with the 2016 presidential primary. 47% of adults participated and the court result almost perfectly matched partisan primary participation. 52% of voters participated in the GOP primary and 52% voted for the conservative judicial candidate, Rebecca Bradley.
  • In a sign of their general disarray following Trump’s first victory, liberals in Wisconsin failed to field a candidate in the 2017 SCOWIS race. Annette Ziegler was reelected by the 18% of adults who participated. The other statewide race on the ballot was for school superintendent, which the future Democratic governor Tony Evers won with 70% of the vote. To me, this is the last spring election in Wisconsin to have actually felt relatively nonpartisan.
  • 22% of adults voted in 2018, when liberal Rebecca Dallet defeated conservative Michael Screnock by 11.5 points in an open race to replace retiring conservative Michael Gableman.
  • The 2019 race was also open, after longtime liberal justice Shirley Abrahamson retired. Conservative Brian Hagedorn narrowly defeated liberal Lisa Neubauer by 0.5 points in a race with 27% participation.
  • The 2020 SCOWIS race coincided with the presidential primary, but unlike 2016, there was no Republican primary and the Democratic primary was nearly over, (Biden’s last opponent dropped out a few days later). Turnout was 35% and liberal Jill Karofsky defeated conservative Dan Kelly by about 11 points.
  • In 2023, the SCOWIS race was the most prominent contest on the statewide ballot, and its consequences were widely understood: namely, majority control of the court. Turnout was 40%, higher than in any previous spring election not corresponding to a presidential primary. Conservatives once again ran Dan Kelly. He lost to liberal candidate Janet Protasiewicz by slightly more than his defeat to Karofsky in 2020.

Just as turnout in SCOWIS races has gradually risen over the past decade, so has the degree to which partisanship shapes the outcomes. This graph, from my colleague Charles Franklin, shows the correlation between judicial votes and presidential votes in each county.

In 1978, the correlation between how a county voted for state Supreme Court and how it voted in the previous presidential election was 0.002. In 2016, it was 0.869. And in 2023, it was 0.964.

graph showing the correlation between SCOWIS and presidential races

What to expect in 2025

In April 2025, I anticipate continued high turnout. The last time a state superintendent race overlapped with a contested SCOWIS race was 2013, but the stakes in this election seem more similar to 2023, when the outcome of the race would determine majority control of the court. Also like 2023, this race features candidates who voters can easily connect to policy positions on hot topics like abortion access and redistricting.

Beyond its policy consequences for Wisconsin, this race will be a test of a leading theory about the 2024 election—that Democrats are the off-year party now. Republicans, the theory goes, win with voters who are less likely to participate in non-presidential contests. The reverse used to be true, with Republicans more often winning low turnout elections.

If Crawford wins, it will bode well for Democrats hoping to win a trifecta in Wisconsin in the 2026 midterms. A Schimel victory would suggest that conservative support is more vigorous and reliable than the Trump-specific low propensity voter narrative suggests.

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How Much of the Republican Assembly Victory was Thanks to Incumbency?

Democratic state assembly candidates were less popular than either Kamala Harris or Tammy Baldwin this past November. Of the 99 Assembly seats, Baldwin won 50, Harris 49, and actual Democratic candidates 45.

This, in itself, was not a surprise. We know that incumbents usually enjoy a slight popularity boost, and there are more incumbent Republicans than Democrats. The 2024 assembly races featured 57 incumbent Republicans and 27 Democrats in contested races.

But does incumbency advantage explain all of the Republican assembly majority? A careful accounting of the evidence suggests not.

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Measuring two kinds of incumbency advantage

The 2024 election is the first to use maps drawn by Democratic Governor Tony Evers, rather than previous maps drawn by Republican legislators. When the new state assembly maps were first released, I estimated that the 2022 assembly elections would’ve resulted in 46 Democratic seats, had the election taken place under the new maps. This, despite the fact that Governor Evers won reelection in that year by 3 percentage points.

Incumbency advantage comes from at least two sources. In places where they’ve run before, incumbents likely enjoy higher name recognition than an opponent. Apart from that, they might still run better campaigns simply by dint of greater experience.

Redistricting offers a unique opportunity to decompose these two sources of incumbent strength. Most incumbents ran in new districts which only partially overlapped with their previous seat. The benefits of name recognition should primarily exist just in those overlapping areas, while the benefits of experience should appear everywhere.

To measure this, I created a statistical model predicting the assembly vote in each ward based on the following variables:

Continue ReadingHow Much of the Republican Assembly Victory was Thanks to Incumbency?

Kimo Ah Yun Describes His Path to Marquette’s Presidency—and the Path to Marquette’s Future

Kimo Ah YunKimo Ah Yun calls his personal history an “underdog story.” He was one of the large number of young people across the United States who had the ability to do big things, but who came from circumstances where doing them was rare.

A child of parents who did not graduate from high school, a native of low-income Compton, Calif., someone who learned lessons about life from pumping gas. He became a first-generation college graduate who didn’t really know what grad school was, but who had mentors who put him on paths to a master’s degree, a doctorate, a professorship, a deanship, a provostship, and, now, the presidency of Marquette University.

Ah Yun thinks about all those who didn’t make it the way he has. During a “Get to Know” program at Marquette Law School’s Eckstein Hall on Jan. 17, he described his own path. “I never expected to be sitting in this chair next to you,” he told the program’s moderator, Derek Mosley, director of the Law School’s Lubar Center for Public Policy Research and Civic Education. But Ah Yun added, “I think about all the people who could have had that opportunity, and for some reason could not see it.”

He recalled a woman who was a schoolmate of his. She was “a phenomenally brilliant person,” he said. “She was smarter than every one of us in school,” he said. “But she never saw it. . . . If you don’t see the pathway, you can never get there. She could have done anything she wanted to, but she did not ever see a pathway for her.”

One of his roles as the 25th president of Marquette is to help more people get on that pathway and to help all students, regardless of their backgrounds, to become the best people they can be. To Ah Yun, that is the heart of Catholic, Jesuit education and the heart of what he was inspired to do by his close friend and predecessor as president, Michael Lovell, who died in June 2024.

Ah Yun told an audience of about 200 that getting an education so you can get a job is important, but that’s far from all Marquette wants its students to set as a goal. Jesuit education means “changing fundamentally who you are as a person and how you interface with the world.” It means making sure you have a moral compass that tells you what is right and what is wrong. It means growing to be someone who cares about others and who is engaged in helping others. “A Jesuit education, to me, is positioning you to have a great life” and to make everyone around you better, Ah Yun said.

Of all the universities in America, Marquette, he said, has the highest percentage of students who are involved in public service. That was at the top of Ah Yun’s list of positive things about Marquette. Asked by Mosley what he most relishes about his job as president of Marquette, Ah Yun said, “Telling our story. We have a great story.”

But he also said that, like all universities, Marquette is facing headwinds as the world of higher education changes, including demographic trends that point to a smaller pool of students in coming years. “We’re going to have rethink things,” he said. While still focusing on students, Marquette is going to have to pull back on some things. For colleges as a whole, including Marquette, there will be “hard decisions, hard times, very disruptive,” Ah Yun said. He pointed to colleges in the United States that have closed in the last several years and mentioned Cardinal Stritch University in Fox Point as one of them.

Ah Yun’s path to Marquette is in itself a colorful story, even without reference to his challenging earlier years. He had been a professor in communications for two decades at California State College, Sacramento, where he got his bachelor’s degree. “I never thought I would ever leave there because it was home,” he said. But he was contacted by representatives of a search firm that was aiming to find a new dean for Marquette’s Diederich College of Communication. He put them off, saying he wasn’t interested. But they were persistent. They convinced him to at least visit Marquette. He agreed but, he said, “I didn’t bring a suit,” because he didn’t intend to take the job. And the night before his interview, he went to a Marquette basketball game rather than prepare for the next day’s session.

He described aspects of his conduct during the interview as somewhat “snarky.” He said, “I wasn’t trying to impress anyone.” But he was invited back for a second interview. He told the search firm representative he had no interest in the job and had a lot of personal reasons to stay in California. But they convinced him to come back and to bring his wife along. He began to take it more seriously.

The key turning point was when Ah Yun was taken to meet Lovell. “He was inspiring,” Ah Yun said. “We were aligned in thinking about a student-centered university that was focused on transforming the lives of our students.” His attitude changed, “I knew I could come work for Mike,” he said. And it went beyond that: “I said I could be a better person if I worked with a guy like that.”

Ah Yun became the communication dean and later the interim provost of the university and then the provost in 2019. After Lovell died, Ah Yun was named interim president and, in November 2024, in his ninth year with Marquette, he was named president.

Marquette needs to stick to its core competencies, he said. It’s not a university that aims to succeed by building online education. It’s an in-person university. “We engage and transform people,” he said. Marquette’s leaders will need to do things ahead that show how they care for the institution itself—but also show that the university has “a foundation where we teach people to love one another.”

Video of the one-hour conversation with Ah Yun may be viewed by clicking here.

Continue ReadingKimo Ah Yun Describes His Path to Marquette’s Presidency—and the Path to Marquette’s Future