MILWAUKEE – A new Marquette Law School Poll survey of Wisconsin voters finds the races for both U.S. Senate and governor are tossups one week before election day.

Among likely voters in the election for U.S. Senate, Sen. Ron Johnson is supported by 50% and Mandela Barnes by 48%. In the Marquette Law Poll’s previous survey, Oct. 3-9, among likely voters Johnson received 52% and Barnes 46%.

Among registered voters in the current poll, 48% support Johnson and 45% support Barnes. “Likely voters” are those who say they are certain to vote or who say they have already voted. “Registered voters” include those already registered and those who say they will register by election day. All vote results include undecided voters who lean to a candidate.

The governor’s race remains a tossup: Among likely voters 48% support Democratic incumbent Gov. Tony Evers, while 48% favor Republican Tim Michels. The independent candidate, Joan Beglinger, is chosen by 2%, while 1% don’t know. Beglinger ended her campaign on September 6 but will remain on the November ballot. In the Oct. 3-9 poll, among likely voters, Evers received 47%, Michels 46% and Beglinger 4%. In the new poll, among registered voters, 44% support Evers, 45% support Michels and 5% support Beglinger.

The survey was conducted Oct. 24-Nov. 1, 2022, interviewing 802 Wisconsin registered voters, with a margin of error of +/-4.6 percentage points. The margin of error among 679 likely voters is +/-4.8 percentage points.

Table 1 shows the vote preference for governor since August among likely voters and among all registered voters. (All results in the tables are stated as percentages; the precise wording of the questions can be found in the online link noted above.)

Table 1: Vote for Governor

(a) Likely voters

Poll dates	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	48	48	2	0	1	0
10/3-9/22	47	46	4	1	1	1
9/6-11/22	47	44	5	0	3	0
8/10-15/22	48	44	4	0	2	1

(b) Registered voters

Poll dates	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	44	45	5	0	3	3
10/3-9/22	46	41	7	1	3	1
9/6-11/22	44	43	8	1	4	0
8/10-15/22	45	43	7	0	3	2

Table 2 shows the trend in support for the Senate candidates among likely voters and among registered voters since August.

Table 2: Vote for U.S. Senate

(a) Likely voters

Poll dates	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	48	50	0	1	1
10/3-9/22	46	52	1	1	1
9/6-11/22	48	49	1	1	0
8/10-15/22	52	45	0	1	1

(b) Registered voters

Poll dates	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	45	48	2	1	3
10/3-9/22	47	47	4	2	1
9/6-11/22	47	48	3	3	0
8/10-15/22	51	44	1	3	1

Partisan support for the candidates in the race for governor is shown in Table 3 among likely voters. Both Democratic and Republican voters are strongly unified behind their respective party’s candidates, with 95% of Democrats supporting Evers and 97% of Republicans supporting Michels. Forty-seven percent of independents back Evers, while 46% prefer Michels. The independent candidate, Beglinger, receives 5% from independent voters and 1% from Republicans and 1% from Democrats.

Table 3: Vote for Governor by party identification (among likely voters)

(a) Oct. 24-Nov. 1

Party ID	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	2	97	1	0	0
Independent	47	46	5	1	0
Democrat	95	2	1	1	0

(b) Oct. 3-9

Party ID	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	6	88	4	0	2	1
Independent	43	44	7	1	1	3
Democrat	96	2	1	0	0	0

(c) Sept. 6-11

Party ID	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	3	92	2	0	3	1
Independent	45	39	11	0	5	0
Democrat	95	4	2	0	0	0

(d) Aug. 10-15

Party ID	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	5	92	2	0	1	0
Independent	49	38	7	0	4	2
Democrat	94	2	3	0	0	1

Partisan support for the U.S. Senate candidates is shown in Table 4 among likely voters. Partisans are strongly aligned with their party’s candidates, with 98% of Democrats supporting Barnes and 97% of Republicans supporting Johnson. Forty-six percent of independents back Barnes, while 53% prefer Johnson. In early October 45% favored Barnes and 51% backed Johnson.

Table 4: Vote for U.S. Senate by party identification (among likely voters)

(a) Oct. 24-Nov. 1

Party ID	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	3	97	0	0	0
Independent	46	53	1	0	0
Democrat	98	0	0	2	0

(b) Oct. 3-9

Party ID	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	3	96	0	0	1
Independent	45	51	3	1	1
Democrat	93	5	0	2	0

(c) Sept. 6-11

Party ID	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	2	97	1	0	0
Independent	46	48	2	3	0
Democrat	96	4	0	0	0

(d) Aug. 10-15

Party ID	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	6	94	0	0	0
Independent	55	40	0	3	3
Democrat	99	0	0	0	0

Among Republicans, 83% are “likely voters”: that is, they say they are absolutely certain to vote in November’s elections or have already voted. The same is true of 89% of Democrats and 72% of independents. Early voting accounts for some of the Democratic advantage in those percentages, with 10% of Democrats saying they have already voted compared to 3% of Republicans. Those who have already voted are included in the percentages who are certain to vote. Certainty of voting by party is shown in Table 5; those who have already voted are included in the percentages who are “absolutely certain” to vote. In early October, Republicans were slightly more likely than Democrats to say they were certain to vote.

Table 5: What are the chances that you will vote in the November 2022 general election for governor, Congress, and other offices – are you absolutely certain to vote, very likely to vote, are the chances 50-50, or don’t you think you will vote? (“Absolutely certain” includes those who have already voted) by party identification

(a) Oct. 24-Nov. 1

Party ID	Absolutely certain	Very likely	50-50	Will not vote	Refused
Republican	83	10	5	2	0
Independent	72	13	9	6	1
Democrat	89	5	2	3	0

(b) Oct. 3-9

Party ID	Absolutely certain	Very likely	50-50	Will not vote
Republican	84	11	4	1
Independent	69	17	11	3
Democrat	83	10	7	0

(c) Sept. 6-11

Party ID	Absolutely certain	Very likely	50-50	Will not vote
Republican	77	16	3	3
Independent	71	13	12	3
Democrat	80	12	7	0

(d) Aug. 10-15

Party ID	Absolutely certain	Very likely	50-50	Will not vote
Republican	83	11	4	2
Independent	66	16	14	3
Democrat	82	8	5	5

The effect of different levels of turnout on the vote for governor is shown in Table 6. The first row shows preference among all registered voters, while the second row shows the results for an electorate composed of those either “absolutely certain” to vote or “very likely” to vote. The third row shows the results among only the most likely voters: those who say they are “absolutely certain” to vote. (As explained above and consistently with past practice, this last group constitutes “likely voters” in this release.)

Table 6: Vote for Governor by certainty of voting

How likely to vote	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know
All registered voters	44	45	5	0	3
Absolutely certain or very likely to vote	47	47	4	0	2
Absolutely certain to vote only	48	48	2	0	1

The vote preferences of those less than certain to vote differ from the preferences among those certain to vote, which also affects the difference in vote margin between “likely voters” and all registered voters. Table 7 shows vote for governor comparing those absolutely certain to vote (“likely voters”) and those who say they are not certain to vote. Those less than certain to vote support Michels over Evers but are also much more likely to choose the independent candidate, to say they don’t know or to refuse to say.

Table 7: Vote for governor by whether people are certain or less than certain to vote

Certainty of voting	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know	Refused
Absolutely certain	48	48	2	0	1	0
Less than certain	31	34	16	0	11	9

Table 8 shows the vote for U.S. Senate by certainty of voting.

Table 8: Vote for U.S. Senate by certainty of voting

How likely to vote	e	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know
All registered voters	45	48	2	1
Absolutely certain or very likely to vote	48	49	1	1
Absolutely certain to vote only	48	50	0	1

Table 9 shows vote preference for Senate comparing those who say they are absolutely certain to vote and those who say they are not. As with the vote for governor, the less likely give an edge to the Republican, Johnson, although those less likely to vote are also far more likely to not favor either candidate than are those absolutely certain to vote.

Table 9: Vote for U.S. Senate by whether people are certain or less than certain to vote

Certainty of voting	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
Absolutely certain	48	50	0	1	1
Less than certain	33	43	8	4	11

Those who are not certain to vote are much less enthusiastic about voting and pay less attention to politics than are those certain to vote, as shown in Table 10 (a) and Table 10 (b).

Table 10: Enthusiasm and attention to politics by certainty of voting

(a) How enthusiastic are you about voting in the elections this November for governor, senator, and other offices?

Certainty of voting	Very	Somewhat	Not too	Not at all	Don’t know	Refused
Absolutely certain	79	13	3	4	1	0
Less than certain	11	41	13	33	2	0

(b) Some people seem to follow what’s going on in politics most of the time, whether there’s an election going on or not. Others aren’t that interested. Would you say you follow what’s going on in politics …?

Certainty of voting	Most of the time	Some of the time	Only now and then	Hardly at all	Refused
Absolutely certain	77	19	3	1	0
Less than certain	36	17	24	23	0

Perceived candidate traits

Table 11 shows the favorable and unfavorable ratings of the candidates among all registered voters since June, along with those who say they haven’t heard enough or don’t know.

The non-incumbents have become substantially better known following their primary victories on Aug. 9, although they remain less well known than the incumbents.

Table 11: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of [INSERT NAME] or haven’t you heard enough about them yet? (among registered voters)

(a) Evers

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	44	46	6	3	1
10/3-9/22	44	46	6	3	1
9/6-11/22	45	45	7	3	0
8/10-15/22	46	41	6	6	0
6/14-20/22	44	42	11	2	0

(b) Michels

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	39	39	16	5	1
10/3-9/22	36	36	20	7	1
9/6-11/22	34	39	19	8	1
8/10-15/22	33	33	24	10	0
6/14-20/22	22	22	51	5	0

(c) Beglinger

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	1	3	63	31	1
10/3-9/22	1	6	66	26	1
9/6-11/22	3	6	63	28	0

(d) Barnes

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	40	44	11	4	1
10/3-9/22	39	40	15	6	0
9/6-11/22	33	32	25	9	1
8/10-15/22	37	22	30	11	0
6/14-20/22	21	16	57	6	0

(e) Johnson

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	43	46	7	3	1
10/3-9/22	41	45	9	4	1
9/6-11/22	39	47	11	3	1
8/10-15/22	38	47	9	6	0
6/14-20/22	37	46	14	2	0

Table 12 shows the perceptions of which candidates better understand the problems of ordinary people in Wisconsin over the course of the fall campaign.

Table 12: Who do you think better understands the problems faced by ordinary people in Wisconsin, …? (among registered voters)

(a) … Tony Evers or Tim Michels?

Poll dates	Tony Evers	Tim Michels	Both	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	48	44	0	2	5	1
10/3-9/22	47	39	0	5	7	0
9/6-11/22	47	41	0	4	7	0

(b) … Mandela Barnes or Ron Johnson?

Poll dates	Mandela Barnes	Ron Johnson	Both	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	44	45	0	2	7	1
10/3-9/22	47	40	1	5	8	0
9/6-11/22	44	40	1	6	9	0

Table 13 shows the perception that candidates “share my values.” There has been some increase in the percentage of those polled who say the candidates “don’t share my values,” with less change in the percentage perceiving shared values. These shifts are somewhat larger for the non-incumbent candidates, Michels and Barnes, who were less well known at the beginning of the fall campaign.

Table 13: For each of the following candidates, would you say they are someone who shares your values or don’t they share your values? (among registered voters)

Candidate	Poll dates	Shares values	Doesn’t share values	Don’t know
Evers	10/24-11/1/22	48	46	6
Evers	10/3-9/22	48	47	5
Evers	9/6-11/22	47	48	5
Evers	8/10-15/22	50	41	9
Michels	10/24-11/1/22	41	47	11
Michels	10/3-9/22	43	45	12
Michels	9/6-11/22	41	47	11
Michels	8/10-15/22	38	38	23
Barnes	10/24-11/1/22	44	46	9
Barnes	10/3-9/22	44	44	12
Barnes	9/6-11/22	44	41	15
Barnes	8/10-15/22	45	31	24
Johnson	10/24-11/1/22	44	49	7
Johnson	10/3-9/22	46	47	7
Johnson	9/6-11/22	42	51	7
Johnson	8/10-15/22	40	50	10

Table 14 shows the perception that candidates “care about people like you.” The images of the challengers, Michels and Barnes, have seen shifts with fewer saying they don’t know enough and increases in the percent saying a candidate “doesn’t care,” while the percent saying “cares” has changed little. The images of the two incumbents, Evers and Johnson, have barely shifted since August.

Table 14: For each of the following candidates, would you say they are someone who cares about people like you, or don’t they care about people like you? (among registered voters)

Candidate	Poll dates	Cares	Doesn’t care	Don’t know
Evers	10/24-11/1/22	52	40	8
Evers	8/10-15/22	54	38	9
Michels	10/24-11/1/22	43	46	11
Michels	8/10-15/22	38	38	23
Barnes	10/24-11/1/22	49	42	8
Barnes	8/10-15/22	50	27	23
Johnson	10/24-11/1/22	43	49	7
Johnson	8/10-15/22	41	49	10

Evers job approval

Table 15 shows approval since Feb. 2022 of how Evers has handled his job as governor. After declining net approval for much of the year, there have been slight upturns in the last two polls, with approval at 46% and disapproval at 47% in the latest survey.

Table 15: Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way Tony Evers is handling his job as Governor of Wisconsin? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Net approval	Approve	Disapprove	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	-1	46	47	6	2
10/3-9/22	-2	46	48	5	1
9/6-11/22	-3	44	47	8	0
8/10-15/22	2	47	45	8	1
6/14-20/22	3	48	45	6	1
4/19-24/22	6	49	43	7	1
2/22-27/22	9	50	41	8	1

Important issues

In each Marquette Law School poll since August 2021, respondents have been asked to rate how concerned they are with a variety of issues. Table 16 shows the concern with nine issues in the current survey, sorted from highest to lowest percent saying they are “very concerned.”

Table 16: How concerned are you about each of the following? Are you very concerned, somewhat concerned, not too concerned, or not at all concerned with … (among registered voters)

Issue	Very concerned	Somewhat concerned	Not too concerned	Not at all concerned
Inflation	68	24	6	2
Public Schools	62	28	5	5
Crime	57	28	11	3
Gun violence	56	25	10	7
Accurate vote count	56	17	13	13
Abortion policy	52	26	9	9
Taxes	48	36	12	3
Illegal immigration	40	29	16	15
Coronavirus	16	36	22	26

Inflation ranks as the top issue concern in this poll. After peaking in June, concern about inflation has been slightly lower since then but remains atop the list.

Table 17: Concern about inflation, Aug. 2021-Oct. 2022 (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Very concerned	Somewhat concerned	Not too concerned	Not at all concerned
10/24-11/1/22	68	24	6	2
10/3-9/22	68	25	5	1
9/6-11/22	70	24	5	2
8/10-15/22	67	27	4	0
6/14-20/22	75	20	4	1
4/19-24/22	69	23	6	1
2/22-27/22	68	28	3	1
10/26-31/21	64	28	6	1
8/3-8/21	49	35	11	3

Partisans differ substantially in their concern over particular issues, as shown in Table 18. Panel (a) is sorted by Republican concern. Panel (b) is sorted by concern among Democrats. Panel (c) is sorted by concern among independents. The entries are the percent of each partisan group who say they are “very concerned” about the issue. Republicans and Democrats have different top concerns—an accurate vote count and inflation for Republicans, and abortion policy and gun violence for Democrats—while independents put inflation and public schools as their top concerns.

Table 18: Issue concerns by party identification, percent “very concerned” (among registered voters)

(a) Sorted by concern among Republicans

Issue	Republican	Independent	Democrat
Accurate vote count	81	50	38
Inflation	80	78	38
Crime	79	55	37
Illegal immigration	71	38	9
Taxes	62	54	21
Public schools	58	64	62
Gun violence	44	53	76
Abortion policy	33	47	81
Coronavirus	8	14	21

(b) Sorted by concern among Democrats

Issue	Republican	Independent	Democrat
Abortion policy	33	47	81
Gun violence	44	53	76
Public schools	58	64	62
Accurate vote count	81	50	38
Inflation	80	78	38
Crime	79	55	37
Coronavirus	8	14	21
Taxes	62	54	21
Illegal immigration	71	38	9

(c) Sorted by concern among Independents

Issue	Republican	Independent	Democrat
Inflation	80	78	38
Public schools	58	64	62
Crime	79	55	37
Taxes	62	54	21
Gun violence	44	53	76
Accurate vote count	81	50	38
Abortion policy	33	47	81
Illegal immigration	71	38	9
Coronavirus	8	14	21

Abortion

Awareness of the Supreme Court’s decision in June that overturned Roe v. Wade remains quite high. Seventy-eight percent say they have heard a lot about the decision, 19% have heard a little and 2% have heard nothing at all. Awareness has changed little since August, when 79% had heard a lot, 17% had heard a little and 3% had heard nothing at all. Table 19 shows attention to the decision by party identification in the current poll.

Table 19: How much have you heard or read about a recent United States Supreme Court decision on abortion? total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	A lot	A little	Nothing at all	Don’t know
Total	78	19	2	0
Republican	75	22	3	0
Independent	77	20	2	0
Democrat	85	14	1	0

The decision to overturn Roe v. Wade is opposed by a majority of Wisconsin registered voters, including majorities of independents and Democrats, while it is favored by a majority of Republicans in the state, as shown in Table 20.

Table 20: Do you favor or oppose the recent Supreme Court decision to overturn Roe versus Wade, thus striking down the 1973 decision that made abortion legal in all 50 states? Total and by party identification (among registered voters)

(a) Oct. 24-Nov. 1

Party ID	Favor	Oppose	Haven’t heard of decision	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	37	55	0	6	2
Republican	72	22	0	5	1
Independent	35	52	1	9	3
Democrat	4	92	0	2	1

(b) Oct. 3-9

Party ID	Favor	Oppose	Haven’t heard of decision	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	33	60	1	4	2
Republican	61	32	1	3	3
Independent	30	60	1	6	2
Democrat	7	89	1	3	0

(c) Sept. 6-11

Party ID	Favor	Oppose	Haven’t heard of decision	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	30	63	0	5	2
Republican	59	29	0	8	4
Independent	28	66	0	5	1
Democrat	3	95	0	2	0

(d) Aug. 10-15

Party ID	Favor	Oppose	Haven’t heard of decision	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	33	60	1	4	2
Republican	62	28	0	8	2
Independent	31	62	2	2	3
Democrat	5	92	0	2	1

The respondents overwhelmingly support allowing legal abortions in the case of rape or incest. Support within each partisan group is 70% or more, as shown in Table 21.

Table 21: Do you think Wisconsin should or should not allow a woman to obtain a legal abortion if she became pregnant as the result of rape or incest? Total and by party identification (among registered voters)

(a) Oct. 24-Nov. 1

Party ID	Should allow	Should not allow	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	84	10	4	2
Republican	73	21	4	2
Independent	83	8	5	4
Democrat	97	3	1	0

(b) Oct. 3-9

Party ID	Should allow	Should not allow	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	83	11	4	2
Republican	72	19	7	2
Independent	83	9	5	3
Democrat	95	4	0	1

(c) Sept. 6-11

Party ID	Should allow	Should not allow	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	83	10	5	2
Republican	70	20	8	3
Independent	83	9	6	2
Democrat	96	2	2	0

Schools

If asked to choose between increasing state support for students to attend private schools or increasing funding for public schools, 29% favor more money for private school students while 63% prefer more state money go to public schools. Views on this issue differ by party identification, as shown in Table 22.

Table 22: If you were making the choice for the next Wisconsin state budget between increasing state support for students to attend private schools or increasing state support for public schools, which would you favor, private schools or public schools? total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Private schools	Public schools	Both equally (VOL)	Neither (VOL)	Don’t know
Total	29	63	3	1	3
Republican	49	40	1	2	6
Independent	30	62	3	1	3
Democrat	7	90	2	0	1

Forty-six percent of registered voters say it is more important to reduce property taxes when compared to increasing spending on public schools, while 48% say it is more important to increase spending on public schools. When asked in early October, 42% said reduce property taxes and 52% said increase spending on public schools. Table 23 shows the partisan divide on support for property tax cuts vs. spending on schools in the current survey.

Table 23: Which is more important to you: reduce property taxes or increase spending on public schools? Total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Reducing property taxes	Increasing spending on public schools	Don’t know	Refused
Total	46	48	5	1
Republican	72	20	8	1
Independent	47	48	3	1
Democrat	16	80	4	0

Opinion on the choice between reducing property taxes and increasing funding for public schools has varied substantially over time. There had been more concern about property taxes prior to 2015, when support for school funding surged. The gap between the two options has narrowed since 2020, as shown in Table 24

Table 24: Which is more important to you: reduce property taxes or increase spending on public schools? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Reducing property taxes	Increasing spending on public schools	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	46	48	5	1
10/3-9/22	42	52	5	0
9/6-11/22	41	51	5	3
8/10-15/22	43	52	5	0
4/19-24/22	46	50	4	0
8/3-8/21	42	52	5	1
2/19-23/20	38	56	5	1
1/8-12/20	41	55	4	1
1/16-20/19	39	55	6	0
10/24-28/18	40	55	4	1
10/3-7/18	37	57	6	1
9/12-16/18	38	57	5	0
8/15-19/18	32	61	5	1
6/13-17/18	35	59	5	0
2/25-3/1/18	33	63	3	1
4/7-10/15	40	54	5	1
5/6-9/13	49	46	4	1
3/11-13/13	49	46	4	1

State funding for police

There is very high support for the state to increase funding for police, with 78% in favor of more state aid for police while 15% are opposed. Majorities of each partisan group support an increase in state support for police.

Table 25: Do you favor or oppose increasing state funding for local police in Wisconsin? Total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Favor	Oppose	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	78	15	6	2
Republican	95	2	3	1
Independent	80	12	7	1
Democrat	58	32	7	3

Parental leave

A majority, 73%, favor requiring businesses to provide paid leave for new parents, while 18% are opposed. In August, 78% favored this and 17% were opposed. Majorities of each partisan group favor a parental leave policy, as shown in Table 26.

Table 26: Do you favor or oppose a proposal that would require businesses to provide paid family leave for mothers and fathers of new babies? Total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Favor	Oppose	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	73	18	8	2
Republican	62	26	10	2
Independent	65	23	10	2
Democrat	95	3	2	0

Direction of state and family financial situation

A majority of respondents, 58%, think the state is off on the wrong track, while 34% say it is headed in the right direction. The trend since 2020 is shown in Table 27.

Table 27: Thinking just about the state of Wisconsin, do you feel things in Wisconsin are generally going in the right direction, or do you feel things have gotten off on the wrong track? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Right direction	Wrong track	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	34	58	8	1
10/3-9/22	31	63	6	0
9/6-11/22	40	53	7	1
8/10-15/22	35	56	9	0
6/14-20/22	37	56	6	0
4/19-24/22	36	56	7	0
2/22-27/22	39	53	8	1
10/26-31/21	41	51	7	1
8/3-8/21	39	52	9	0
3/24-29/20	61	30	9	1
2/19-23/20	52	39	8	0
1/8-12/20	46	47	6	1

The percentage saying their family is “living comfortably” has declined since 2020, while percentages of those “just getting by” and “struggling” have risen, as shown in Table 28.

Table 28: Thinking about your family’s financial situation, would you say you are living comfortably, just getting by, or struggling to make ends meet? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Living comfortably	Just getting by	Struggling	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	50	38	10	0	1
10/3-9/22	53	35	11	1	0
9/6-11/22	56	33	11	0	0
8/10-15/22	54	36	10	0	1
8/3-8/21	60	31	7	0	1
10/21-25/20	67	26	6	0	1
9/30-10/4/20	60	30	9	1	1
8/30-9/3/20	60	32	8	0	1
8/4-9/20	63	28	8	1	0
6/14-18/20	61	31	6	1	1
5/3-7/20	61	28	9	0	1
3/24-29/20	59	30	10	0	0
2/19-23/20	62	29	8	0	1
1/8-12/20	63	28	8	0	0
12/3-8/19	62	27	11	1	1
Poll dates	Living comfortably	Just getting by	Struggling	Don’t know	Refused
11/13-17/19	66	25	8	0	1
8/25-29/19	59	30	9	1	0
4/3-7/19	59	31	9	0	0
1/16-20/19	60	30	9	1	0
10/24-28/18	60	30	9	0	1
10/3-7/18	63	29	7	0	0
9/12-16/18	56	32	12	1	0
8/15-19/18	63	28	9	0	0
6/13-17/18	58	30	11	1	1
2/25-3/1/18	54	34	10	1	0
6/22-25/17	53	32	14	1	0
3/13-16/17	54	35	11	1	0
10/26-31/16	50	35	14	0	1
10/6-9/16	47	38	15	0	0
9/15-18/16	53	34	11	1	1
8/25-28/16	53	33	13	0	0
6/9-12/16	50	37	12	0	0
3/24-28/16	51	38	10	1	0

Confidence in the 2022 and 2020 elections

Voters express more confidence that votes in this November’s election will be accurately cast and counted than they do, looking back, for the 2020 presidential election. Among registered voters 77% say they are very or somewhat confident and 20% say they are not too confident or not at all confident the upcoming election results will be accurate. The breakdown by party is shown in Table 29.

Table 29: How confident are you that, here in Wisconsin, the votes in this November’s election will be accurately cast and counted? Total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Very confident	Somewhat confident	Not too confident	Not at all confident	Don’t know	Refused
Total	45	32	12	8	2	2
Republican	20	43	23	10	3	1
Independent	42	32	11	12	1	1
Democrat	76	21	1	0	0	2

Opinion on the accuracy of the results of the 2020 presidential election continues to sharply divide the public, with 65% saying they are very or somewhat confident and 33% saying they are not too confident or not at all confident in the election result. These views overall and by party identification are shown in Table 30.

Table 30: How confident are you that, here in Wisconsin, the votes for president were accurately cast and counted in the 2020 election? Total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Very confident	Somewhat confident	Not too confident	Not at all confident	Don’t know	Refused
Total	46	19	14	19	3	1
Republican	12	26	27	33	0	1
Independent	45	16	13	21	6	0
Democrat	85	13	0	0	1	0

Table 31 shows the trend in 2020 election confidence.

Table 31: How confident are you that, here in Wisconsin, the votes for president were accurately cast and counted in the 2020 election? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Very confident	Somewhat confident	Not too confident	Not at all confident	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	46	19	14	19	3	1
10/3-9/22	48	15	15	19	3	0
9/6-11/22	46	19	16	18	1	0
8/10-15/22	48	18	15	17	2	1
6/14-20/22	51	16	11	21	0	0
4/19-24/22	48	16	12	23	1	0
2/22-27/22	48	19	11	19	2	0
10/26-31/21	47	18	12	19	3	0
8/3-8/21	48	19	15	16	1	0

Jan. 6 hearings and documents at Mar-a-Lago

Among registered voters, 55% say they have heard a lot about the hearings of the House Select Committee on Jan. 6, while 31% have heard a little and 13% have heard nothing at all. These results are hardly different from the results in August, as shown in Table 32.

Table 32: How much have you heard or read about the hearings of the House Select Committee on Jan. 6th? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	A lot	A little	Nothing at all	Don’t know
10/24-11/1/22	55	31	13	0
8/10-15/22	57	27	15	1

There has also been virtually no change in opinion of the extent to which former President Donald Trump was responsible for the violence at the Capitol on Jan. 6th, as shown in Table 33.

Table 33: How much responsibility, if any, should Donald Trump bear for the violence of some of his supporters in the United States Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	A lot	A little	Nothing at all	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	48	17	32	1	1
8/10-15/22	47	19	31	2	2

A majority of registered voters, 55%, believe that Trump had top secret and other classified material or national security documents at his home in Mar-a-Lago this past summer, while 27% say they do not believe he had such documents. Table 34 shows the beliefs about these documents by party identification.

Table 34: Do you believe Donald Trump had top secret and other classified material or national security documents at his home in Mar-a-Lago this past summer? Total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Yes	No	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	55	27	16	1
Republican	27	52	21	0
Independent	55	26	18	1
Democrat	88	4	8	0

Evaluations of Biden, Baldwin and Trump

In the current survey, 41% approve of the way President Joe Biden is handling his job as president, while 54% disapprove. In early October 42% approved and 55% disapproved. Table 35 shows approval overall and by party identification.

Table 35: Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way Joe Biden is handling his job as president? Total and by party identification, October 2022 (among registered voters)

Party ID	Approve	Disapprove	Don’t know	Refused
Total	41	54	4	1
Republican	3	96	2	0
Independent	36	56	7	2
Democrat	90	9	1	0

The trend in Biden approval since 2021 is shown in Table 36.

Table 36: Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way Joe Biden is handling his job as president? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Approve	Disapprove	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	41	54	4	1
10/3-9/22	42	55	2	1
9/6-11/22	40	55	4	0
8/10-15/22	40	55	5	1
6/14-20/22	40	57	3	0
4/19-24/22	43	53	3	1
2/22-27/22	43	52	3	2
10/26-31/21	43	53	4	1
8/3-8/21	49	46	4	0

Sen. Tammy Baldwin is seen favorably by 37% and unfavorably by 37%. The recent trend in views of Baldwin is shown in Table 37.

Table 37: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of Tammy Baldwin or haven’t you heard enough about her yet? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	37	37	17	8	1
10/3-9/22	36	36	19	7	1
9/6-11/22	37	40	19	4	1
8/10-15/22	39	37	18	6	0
6/14-20/22	39	37	20	3	1
4/19-24/22	43	36	17	3	0
2/22-27/22	42	36	18	3	1
10/26-31/21	38	39	19	3	0
8/3-8/21	40	38	19	3	0

Table 38 shows opinion of Trump overall and by party identification in the current survey. A large majority of Republicans hold a favorable view of Trump, while majorities of independents and Democrats have an unfavorable opinion of him.

Table 38: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of Donald Trump or haven’t you heard enough about them yet? Total and by party identification, September 2022 (among registered voters)

Party ID	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
Total	39	53	2	4	2
Republican	78	12	3	5	2
Independent	35	53	4	6	2
Democrat	4	96	0	0	0

Views of Trump have barely changed since 2021, as shown in Table 39.

Table 39: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of Donald Trump or haven’t you heard enough about them yet? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/24-11/1/22	39	53	2	4	2
10/3-9/22	37	55	2	5	1
9/6-11/22	38	58	1	3	0
8/10-15/22	38	57	1	4	0
6/14-20/22	39	56	3	2	0
4/19-24/22	36	58	2	3	1
2/22-27/22	36	57	2	3	2
10/26-31/21	38	57	2	3	0
8/3-8/21	38	55	3	4	1

About the Marquette Law School Poll

The Marquette Law School Poll is the most extensive statewide polling project in Wisconsin history. This poll interviewed 802 registered Wisconsin voters by landline or cell phone from Oct. 24-Nov. 1, 2022. The margin of error is +/-4.6 percentage points for the full sample. The margin of error among 679 likely voters is +/-4.8 percentage points.

Some issue items were asked of half the sample. Those on Form A were asked of 399 and have a margin of error of +/-6.5 percentage points. Form B items were asked of 403 and have a margin of error of +/-6.4 percentage points.

Items asked of half-samples on Form A include concern about the issues of public schools, inflation, taxes, and gun violence. Form B asked concern about the coronavirus pandemic, illegal immigration, and ensuring an accurate vote count. Form B also included an item on property taxes and school spending. Concern about crime and about abortion policy were asked on both Form A and Form B.

The partisan makeup of the sample in this poll, including those who lean to a party, is 46% Republican, 44% Democratic and 9% independent. The partisan makeup of the sample, excluding those who lean to a party, is 30% Republican, 28% Democratic and 41% independent.

Since January 2020, the long-term partisan balance, including those who lean to a party, in the Marquette Law Poll has been 45% Republican and 44 % Democratic, with 9% independent. Partisanship excluding those who lean has been 30% Republican and 28% Democratic, with 41% independent.

The entire questionnaire, methodology statement, full results and breakdowns by demographic groups are available at law.marquette.edu/poll/results-and-data.

MILWAUKEE – A new Marquette Law School Poll survey of Wisconsin finds a wider margin in the U.S. Senate race than a month ago. Among likely voters, Sen. Ron Johnson is supported by 52% and Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes is the choice of 46%. In September, among likely voters, Johnson received 49% and Barnes 48%. All vote results include undecided voters who lean to a candidate.

The governor’s race has tightened to a tossup: Among likely voters, 47% support Democrat incumbent Gov. Tony Evers, while 46% favor the Republican challenger, Tim Michels. The independent candidate, Joan Beglinger, is chosen by 4%, while 1% don’t know for whom they will vote. Beglinger ended her campaign on Sept. 6 but will remain on the November ballot. In September, among likely voters, Evers received 47%, Michels 44%, and Beglinger 5%.

The survey was conducted Oct. 3-9, 2022, interviewing 801 Wisconsin registered voters, with a margin of error of +/-4.3 percentage points. The margin of error among the 652 likely voters is +/-4.8 percentage points. The poll completed 596 of these interviews prior to the debate between the U.S. Senate candidates on Oct. 7.

Table 1 shows the vote preference for governor among likely voters, from August to October, and among registered voters since June. Beglinger was not included in the June survey. The results among all registered voters are more favorable to the Democratic candidates in both the governor and senate races, while totals for likely voters are, relatively, favorable for the Republican candidates. (All results in the tables are stated as percentages; the precise wording of the questions can be found in the online link noted above.)

Table 1: Vote for Governor

(a) Likely voters

Poll dates	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	47	46	4	1	1	1
9/6-11/22	47	44	5	0	3	0
8/10-15/22	48	44	4	0	2	1

(b) Registered voters

Poll dates	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	46	41	7	1	3	1
9/6-11/22	44	43	8	1	4	0
8/10-15/22	45	43	7	0	3	2
6/14-20/22	48	41	N/A	2	8	2

Table 2 shows the trend in support for the Senate candidates among likely voters from August to October and among registered voters since June.

Table 2: Vote for U.S. Senate

(a) Likely voters

Poll dates	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	46	52	1	1	1
9/6-11/22	48	49	1	1	0
8/10-15/22	52	45	0	1	1

(b) Registered voters

Poll dates	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	47	47	4	2	1
9/6-11/22	47	48	3	3	0
8/10-15/22	51	44	1	3	1
6/14-20/22	46	44	1	7	2

Partisan support for the candidates in the race for governor is shown in Table 3 among likely voters. Both Democratic and Republican voters are strongly unified behind their respective party’s candidates, with 96% of Democrats supporting Evers and 88% of Republicans supporting Michels, a small decline in GOP support for Michels since September. Forty-three percent of independents back Evers, while 44% prefer Michels, a tightening of preferences among independents since September and August. The independent candidate, Beglinger, receives 7% from independent voters, 4% from Republicans, and 1% from Democrats.

Table 3: Vote for governor, by party identification, among likely voters

(a) October

Party ID	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	6	88	4	0	2	1
Independent	43	44	7	1	1	3
Democrat	96	2	1	0	0	0

(b) September

Party ID	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	3	92	2	0	3	1
Independent	45	39	11	0	5	0
Democrat	95	4	2	0	0	0

(c) August

Party ID	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	5	92	2	0	1	0
Independent	49	38	7	0	4	2
Democrat	94	2	3	0	0	1

Partisan support for the U.S. Senate candidates is shown in Table 4 among likely voters. Partisans are strongly aligned with their party’s candidates, with 93% of Democrats supporting Barnes and 96% of Republicans supporting Johnson. Forty-five percent of independents back Barnes, while 51% prefer Johnson. In September, 46% favored Barnes and 48% backed Johnson, a smaller shift among independents than seen between August and September.

Table 4: Vote for U.S. Senate, by party identification, among likely voters

(a) October

Party ID	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	3	96	0	0	1
Independent	45	51	3	1	1
Democrat	93	5	0	2	0

(b) September

Party ID	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	2	97	1	0	0
Independent	46	48	2	3	0
Democrat	96	4	0	0	0

(c) August

Party ID	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
Republican	6	94	0	0	0
Independent	55	40	0	3	3
Democrat	99	0	0	0	0

Differences in the likelihood of voting, and in vote preference by certainty of voting, account for the different results between likely voters and all registered voters. Among Republicans, 84% say they are absolutely certain to vote in November’s elections or have already voted, as do 83% of Democrats and 69% of independents. Certainty of voting by party is shown in Table 5. In September, Democrats were slightly more likely than Republicans to say they were certain to vote.

Table 5: What are the chances that you will vote in the November 2022 general election for governor, Congress, and other offices—are you absolutely certain to vote, very likely to vote, are the chances 50-50, or don’t you think you will vote? (Certain includes those who have already voted) by party identification

(a) October

Party ID	Absolutely certain	Very likely	50-50	Will not vote
Republican	84	11	4	1
Independent	69	17	11	3
Democrat	83	10	7	0

(b) September

Party ID	Absolutely certain	Very likely	50-50	Will not vote
Republican	77	16	3	3
Independent	71	13	12	3
Democrat	80	12	7	0

(c) August

Party ID	Absolutely certain	Very likely	50-50	Will not vote
Republican	83	11	4	2
Independent	66	16	14	3
Democrat	82	8	5	5

The effect of different levels of turnout on vote for governor is shown in Table 6. The first row shows preference among all registered voters, with the second row showing the results for an electorate composed of those either “absolutely certain” to vote or “very likely” to vote. The third row shows the results among only the most likely voters: those who say they are absolutely certain to vote (a category generally said to constitute “likely voters”).

Table 6: Vote for governor, by certainty of voting

How likely to vote	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know
All registered voters	46	41	7	1	3
Absolutely certain or very likely to vote	47	44	4	1	3
Absolutely certain to vote only	47	46	4	1	1

The vote preferences of those less than certain to vote differ from the preferences among those describing themselves as certain to vote, which also affects the difference in vote margin between likely voters and all registered voters. Table 7 shows vote for governor comparing those absolutely certain to vote and those who say they are not certain to vote.

Table 7: Vote for governor by certain or less than certain to vote

Certainty of voting	Evers	Michels	Beglinger	Other	Don’t know	Refused
Absolutely certain	47	46	4	1	1	1
Less than certain	45	26	15	3	10	0

Table 8 shows the vote for U.S. Senate by likelihood of voting groupings.

Table 8: Vote for U.S. Senate by certainty of voting

How likely to vote	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know
All registered voters	47	47	4	2
Absolutely certain or very likely to vote	47	49	2	2
Absolutely certain to vote only	46	52	1	1

Table 9 shows vote preference for Senate comparing those absolutely certain to vote and those who say they are not certain to vote. As with the vote for governor, candidate preference differs by certainty of voting.

Table 9: Vote for U.S. Senate, by certain or less than certain to vote

Certainty of voting	Barnes	Johnson	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
Absolutely certain	46	52	1	1	1
Less than certain	51	31	12	6	1

Perceived candidate ideology

Table 10 shows the perceived ideology of the Senate candidates, from “very liberal” to “very conservative.” For comparison, the self-described ideology of voters is included in the table. Both candidates are perceived as more strongly ideological than voters describe themselves. Voters are much more likely to describe themselves as “moderate” than to describe either candidate that way. Barnes is seen as “very liberal” by 32%, and Johnson is seen as “very conservative” by 37%. By comparison, 6% describe themselves as “very liberal” and 9% say they are “very conservative.”

Table 10: Perceived ideology of Senate candidates (among registered voters)

Perceived ideology:	Very liberal	Liberal	Moderate	Conservative	Very conservative	Don’t know
Mandela Barnes	32	32	17	4	2	13
Ron Johnson	1	2	8	39	37	11
Voter’s self-description	6	18	31	32	9	3

The candidates for governor are also seen as more ideological than the public sees itself, as shown in Table 11. Evers is seen as “very liberal” by 25%, and Michels is seen as “very conservative” by 32%. More see Evers as “moderate,” 23%, than see Michels that way, 8%. Neither matches the percent of self-described moderates in the electorate.

Table 11: Perceived ideology of gubernatorial candidates (among registered voters)

Perceived ideology:	Very liberal	Liberal	Moderate	Conservative	Very conservative	Don’t know
Tony Evers	25	35	23	6	2	8
Tim Michels	2	3	8	36	32	18
Voter’s self-description	6	18	31	32	9	3

Perception of the candidates’ ideology varies with the voters’ self-described ideology. Voters who are very liberal, for example, tend to describe the Republican candidates as “very conservative,” while those who are very conservative tend to describe the Democratic candidates as “very liberal.” Those candidates in the same ideological camp as the voter are generally not seen as being so extreme, although voters who describe themselves as very conservative are somewhat more likely than not to describe Johnson as also very conservative. These relationships are shown in Table 12.

Table 12: Perceived candidate ideology, by self-described ideology (among registered voters)

(a) Mandela Barnes

Voter’s self-description	Very liberal	Liberal	Moderate	Conservative	Very conservative
Very liberal	14	66	18	0	0
Liberal	9	54	27	0	2
Moderate	18	33	25	6	1
Conservative	54	21	7	3	2
Very conservative	66	8	5	5	3

(b) Ron Johnson

Voter’s self-description	Very liberal	Liberal	Moderate	Conservative	Very conservative
Very liberal	5	0	1	23	70
Liberal	0	1	4	26	59
Moderate	2	4	11	33	35
Conservative	1	1	9	59	18
Very conservative	1	2	6	41	47

(c) Tony Evers

Voter’s self-description	Very liberal	Liberal	Moderate	Conservative	Very conservative
Very liberal	13	49	35	0	2
Liberal	5	58	30	4	1
Moderate	15	25	38	10	1
Conservative	42	32	11	6	2
Very conservative	52	31	5	3	3

(d) Tim Michels

Voter’s self-description	Very liberal	Liberal	Moderate	Conservative	Very conservative
Very liberal	2	0	7	13	69
Liberal	0	1	6	23	47
Moderate	4	4	8	23	38
Conservative	3	1	9	58	15
Very conservative	0	3	12	49	27

Perceived candidate traits

Table 13 shows the favorable and unfavorable ratings of the candidates since June, along with those respondents who say they haven’t heard enough or don’t know.

The non-incumbents have become substantially better known following their primary victories on Aug. 9, although they remain less well known than the incumbents.

Table 13: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of [INSERT NAME] or haven’t you heard enough about them yet? (among registered voters)

(a) Evers

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	44	46	6	3	1
9/6-11/22	45	45	7	3	0
8/10-15/22	46	41	6	6	0
6/14-20/22	44	42	11	2	0

(b) Michels

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	36	36	20	7	1
9/6-11/22	34	39	19	8	1
8/10-15/22	33	33	24	10	0
6/14-20/22	22	22	51	5	0

(c) Beglinger

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	1	6	66	26	1
9/6-11/22	3	6	63	28	0

(d) Barnes

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	39	40	15	6	0
9/6-11/22	33	32	25	9	1
8/10-15/22	37	22	30	11	0
6/14-20/22	21	16	57	6	0

(e) Johnson

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	41	45	9	4	1
9/6-11/22	39	47	11	3	1
8/10-15/22	38	47	9	6	0
6/14-20/22	37	46	14	2	0

Table 14 shows the perceptions of which candidates better understand the problems of ordinary people in Wisconsin.

Table 14: Who do you think better understands the problems faced by ordinary people in Wisconsin, …? (among registered voters)

(a) … Tony Evers or Tim Michels?

Poll dates	Tony Evers	Tim Michels	Both	Neither	Don’t know
10/3-9/22	47	39	0	5	7

(b) … Mandela Barnes or Ron Johnson?

Poll dates	Mandela Barnes	Ron Johnson	Both	Neither	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	47	40	1	5	8	0

Table 15 shows the perception that candidates “share my values.” The relative lack of familiarity with the non-incumbent candidates, Michels and Barnes, is evident in the higher percentages that say they “don’t know” about them compared to the two incumbents, Evers and Johnson.

Table 15: For each of the following candidates, would you say they are someone who shares your values or don’t they share your values? (among registered voters)

Candidate	Shares values	Doesn’t share values	Don’t know
Evers	48	47	5
Michels	43	45	12
Barnes	44	44	12
Johnson	46	47	7

Evers job approval

Table 16 shows approval of how Evers has handled his job as governor since February 2022.

Table 16: Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way Tony Evers is handling his job as Governor of Wisconsin? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Net approval	Approve	Disapprove	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	-2	46	48	5	1
9/6-11/22	-3	44	47	8	0
8/10-15/22	2	47	45	8	1
6/14-20/22	3	48	45	6	1
4/19-24/22	6	49	43	7	1
2/22-27/22	9	50	41	8	1

Important issues

In each Marquette Law School Poll since August 2021, respondents have been asked to rate how concerned they are with a variety of issues. Table 17 shows the concern with nine issues in the current survey, sorted from highest to lowest percent saying they are “very concerned.”

Table 17: How concerned are you about each of the following? Are you very concerned, somewhat concerned, not too concerned, or not at all concerned with … (among registered voters)

Issue	Very concerned	Somewhat concerned	Not too concerned	Not at all concerned
Inflation	68	25	5	1
Public Schools	60	29	6	3
Gun violence	60	22	9	5
Abortion policy	56	22	10	8
Crime	56	29	11	3
Accurate vote count	52	23	13	10
Taxes	47	36	12	3
Illegal immigration	40	23	23	13
Coronavirus	13	33	25	28

Inflation ranks as the top issue concern. After peaking in June, concern about inflation has been slightly lower since August, as shown in Table 18.

Table 18: Concern about inflation, Aug. 2021-Oct. 2022 (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Very concerned	Somewhat concerned	Not too concerned	Not at all concerned
10/3-9/22	68	25	5	1
9/6-11/22	70	24	5	2
8/10-15/22	67	27	4	0
6/14-20/22	75	20	4	1
4/19-24/22	69	23	6	1
2/22-27/22	68	28	3	1
10/26-31/21	64	28	6	1
8/3-8/21	49	35	11	3

Partisans differ substantially in their concern over particular issues, as shown in Table 19. Panel (a) is sorted by Republican concern, panel (b) is sorted by concern among Democrats and panel (c) is sorted by concern among independents. The entries are the percent of each partisan group who say they are “very concerned” about the issue. Republicans and Democrats have different top concerns, inflation and crime for Republicans, abortion policy and gun violence for Democrats, while independents put public schools as their top concern, followed by inflation.

Table 19: Issue concerns by party identification, percent “very concerned” (among registered voters)

(a) Sorted by concern among Republicans

Issue	Republican	Independent	Democrat
Inflation	81	69	51
Illegal immigration	74	37	12
Crime	74	55	38
Accurate vote count	72	55	30
Taxes	59	53	25
Public schools	54	71	53
Gun violence	43	58	78
Abortion policy	36	53	81
Coronavirus	9	10	23

(b) Sorted by concern among Democrats

Issue	Republican	Independent	Democrat
Abortion policy	36	53	81
Gun violence	43	58	78
Public schools	54	71	53
Inflation	81	69	51
Crime	74	55	38
Accurate vote count	72	55	30
Taxes	59	53	25
Coronavirus	9	10	23
Illegal immigration	74	37	12

(c) Sorted by concern among Independents

Issue	Republican	Independent	Democrat
Public schools	54	71	53
Inflation	81	69	51
Gun violence	43	58	78
Crime	74	55	38
Accurate vote count	72	55	30
Taxes	59	53	25
Abortion policy	36	53	81
Illegal immigration	74	37	12
Coronavirus	9	10	23

Gender differences also appear across issues. Women are notably more concerned with gun violence and abortion policy than are men, while men are substantially more concerned with taxes than are women. Inflation is a substantial and similar level of concern for both men and women. Gender differences in concern on other issues are modest.

Table 20: Issue concerns by gender, percent “very concerned” (among registered voters)

(a) Sorted by concern among women

Issue	Male	Female
Gun violence	46	72
Inflation	71	66
Abortion policy	48	63
Public schools	58	61
Crime	55	57
Accurate vote count	52	52
Taxes	55	41
Illegal immigration	40	40
Coronavirus	9	18

(b) Sorted by concern among men

Issue	Male	Female
Inflation	71	66
Public schools	58	61
Crime	55	57
Taxes	55	41
Accurate vote count	52	52
Abortion policy	48	63
Gun violence	46	72
Illegal immigration	40	40
Coronavirus	9	18

Abortion

The decision to overturn Roe v. Wade is opposed by a majority of Wisconsin registered voters, including majorities of independents and Democrats, while it is favored by a majority of Republicans in the state, as shown in Table 21. There has been little change in opinion on this since August.

Table 21: Do you favor or oppose the recent Supreme Court decision to overturn Roe versus Wade, thus striking down the 1973 decision that made abortion legal in all 50 states?, total and by party identification (among registered voters)

(a) October

Party ID	Favor	Oppose	Haven’t heard of decision	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	33	60	1	4	2
Republican	61	32	1	3	3
Independent	30	60	1	6	2
Democrat	7	89	1	3	0

(b) September

Party ID	Favor	Oppose	Haven’t heard of decision	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	30	63	0	5	2
Republican	59	29	0	8	4
Independent	28	66	0	5	1
Democrat	3	95	0	2	0

(c) August

Party ID	Favor	Oppose	Haven’t heard of decision	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	33	60	1	4	2
Republican	62	28	0	8	2
Independent	31	62	2	2	3
Democrat	5	92	0	2	1

The survey respondents overwhelmingly support allowing legal abortions in the case of rape or incest. Support within each partisan group is 70% or more, as shown in Table 22.

Table 22: Do you think Wisconsin should or should not allow a woman to obtain a legal abortion if she became pregnant as the result of rape or incest?, total and by party identification (among registered voters)

(a) October

Party ID	Should allow	Should not allow	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	83	11	4	2
Republican	72	19	7	2
Independent	83	9	5	3
Democrat	95	4	0	1

(b) September

Party ID	Should allow	Should not allow	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	83	10	5	2
Republican	70	20	8	3
Independent	83	9	6	2
Democrat	96	2	2	0

(c) August

Party ID	Should allow	Should not allow	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	88	8	4	1
Republican	79	16	4	2
Independent	87	6	5	2
Democrat	97	1	1	0

Marijuana legalization

About two-thirds of registered voters, 64%, favor legalization of marijuana, with 30% opposed. Table 23 shows the total and partisan views of this issue.

Table 23: Do you think the use of marijuana should be made legal or not? (among registered voters)

Party ID	Yes, legal	No, illegal	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	64	30	6	1
Republican	43	50	6	1
Independent	67	25	6	1
Democrat	82	14	4	0

Views of legalization of marijuana have changed significantly since 2013, as shown in Table 24.

Table 24: Do you think the use of marijuana should be made legal or not? since 2013 (among registered voters)

Poll date	Legal	Illegal	Don’t know	Refused
10/21-24/13	50	45	5	1
3/20-23/14	42	52	6	0
9/11-14/14	46	51	2	0
7/7-10/16	59	39	1	0
8/15-19/18	61	36	3	0
1/16-20/19	58	35	6	0
4/3-7/19	59	36	4	1
2/22-27/22	61	31	7	0
8/10-15/22	69	23	8	0
10/3-9/22	64	30	6	1

Fear of crime

While 56% say they are very concerned with crime, a large majority, 77%, say they feel safe going about their daily activities. Twenty-one percent of respondents say they worry about their safety. On this item, there are moderate partisan differences, and large majorities of each partisan group say they feel safe, as shown in Table 25.

Table 25: Do you feel safe from crime when going about your daily activities or are you worried about your safety? total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Feel safe	Worried	Don’t know
Total	77	21	1
Republican	71	26	3
Independent	76	24	0
Democrat	86	12	1

While generally not worried about their personal safety, Republicans express considerably greater concern than Democrats about crime as an issue, as shown in Table 26.

Table 26: How concerned are you about each of the following… Crime? total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Very concerned	Somewhat concerned	Not too concerned	Not at all concerned	Don’t know
Total	56	29	11	3	0
Republican	74	17	7	2	0
Independent	55	32	8	4	1
Democrat	38	39	19	5	0

Worry about personal safety is greater in the City of Milwaukee than in other areas of the state, as shown in Table 27, which combines data from October 2021 and April, September, and October 2022 to provide regional comparisons.

Table 27: Do you feel safe from crime when going about your daily activities or are you worried about your safety? by region, Oct. 2021, April, Sept. & Oct. 2022 (among registered voters)

Region	Feel safe	Worried	Don’t know
City of Milwaukee	51	48	1
Rest of Milwaukee media market	74	24	2
Madison media market	82	17	1
Green Bay media market	86	14	0
Rest of north and west of state	85	15	0

While those in the Milwaukee area outside of the city are much less worried about personal safety than are residents of the city, they express similarly high levels of concern about crime to those in the city. Those in other regions of the state express lower levels of concern. Table 28 combines the August, September, and October polls to increase sample size in each region.

Table 28: How concerned are you about each of the following… Crime? by region, Aug., Sept. & Oct. 2022 (among registered voters)

Region	Very concerned	Somewhat concerned	Not too concerned	Not at all concerned	Don’t know
City of Milwaukee	74	16	8	2	0
Rest of Milwaukee media market	67	25	6	1	0
Madison media market	48	35	14	2	0
Green Bay media market	49	32	12	6	1
Rest of north and west of state	54	31	11	3	1

Schools

If asked to choose between increasing state support for students to attend private schools or increasing funding for public schools, 28% favor more money for private school students, while 64% prefer more state money go to public schools. Views on this issue differ by party identification, as shown in Table 29.

Table 29: If you were making the choice for the next Wisconsin state budget between increasing state support for students to attend private schools and increasing state support for public schools, which would you favor, private schools or public schools? total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Private schools	Public schools	Both equally	Neither	Don’t know
Total	28	64	3	2	3
Republican	46	45	1	3	4
Independent	30	59	5	2	4
Democrat	5	93	1	0	1

Forty-two percent of registered voters say it is more important to reduce property taxes, while 52% say it is more important to increase spending on public schools. When asked in September, 41% said reduce property taxes and 51% said increase spending on public schools. Table 30 shows the partisan divide on support for property tax cuts vs. spending on schools in the September survey.

Table 30: Which is more important to you: reduce property taxes or increase spending on public schools?, total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Reducing property taxes	Increasing spending on public schools	Don’t know	Refused
Total	42	52	5	0
Republican	69	25	6	0
Independent	40	52	7	1
Democrat	16	82	1	1

Opinion on the choice between reducing property taxes and increasing funding for public schools has varied substantially over time, with more concern about property taxes prior to 2015, while support for school funding began to surge in 2015, subsiding somewhat beginning in late 2018. The trend is shown in Table 31.

Table 31: Which is more important to you: reduce property taxes or increase spending on public schools? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Reducing property taxes	Increasing spending on public schools	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	42	52	5	0
9/6-11/22	41	51	5	3
8/10-15/22	43	52	5	0
4/19-24/22	46	50	4	0
8/3-8/21	42	52	5	1
2/19-23/20	38	56	5	1
1/8-12/20	41	55	4	1
1/16-20/19	39	55	6	0
10/24-28/18	40	55	4	1
10/3-7/18	37	57	6	1
9/12-16/18	38	57	5	0
8/15-19/18	32	61	5	1
6/13-17/18	35	59	5	0
2/25-3/1/18	33	63	3	1
4/7-10/15	40	54	5	1
5/6-9/13	49	46	4	1
3/11-13/13	49	46	4	1

State funding for police and sentencing preferences

There is very high support for the state to increase funding for police, with 75% in favor of more state aid for police and 19% opposed. Majorities of each partisan group support an increase in state support for police.

Table 32: Do you favor or oppose increasing state funding for local police in Wisconsin?, total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Favor	Oppose	Don’t Know	Refused
Total	75	19	6	1
Republican	91	7	3	0
Independent	72	20	6	1
Democrat	61	29	9	1

Opinion on harsher sentencing for crimes is evenly divided, with 41% saying sentences should be more severe for all crimes, while 46% oppose making sentences more severe. Opinion was also evenly divided on this question when last asked in July 2016, with 49% supporting more severe sentences and 48% opposed. There is a partisan divide on this issue, as shown in Table 33.

Table 33: Do you support or oppose making sentences more severe for all crimes?, total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Support	Oppose	Don’t know	Refused
Total	41	46	12	1
Republican	65	23	11	1
Independent	34	51	14	2
Democrat	27	63	9	1

More people oppose increasing incarceration of juvenile offenders, 49%, than support doing so, 35%. In July 2016, 52% opposed increased incarceration of juvenile offenders and 46% supported it. Overall opinion and the views by party are shown in Table 34.

Table 34: Do you support or oppose locking up more juvenile offenders?, total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Support	Oppose	Don’t know	Refused
Total	35	49	14	2
Republican	55	28	17	0
Independent	29	53	15	3
Democrat	23	66	10	1

Direction of state and family financial situation

A majority of respondents, 63%, think the state is off on the wrong track, while 31% say it is headed in the right direction. The trend since 2020 is shown in Table 35.

Table 35: Thinking just about the state of Wisconsin, do you feel things in Wisconsin are generally going in the right direction, or do you feel things have gotten off on the wrong track? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Right direction	Wrong track	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	31	63	6	0
9/6-11/22	40	53	7	1
8/10-15/22	35	56	9	0
6/14-20/22	37	56	6	0
4/19-24/22	36	56	7	0
2/22-27/22	39	53	8	1
10/26-31/21	41	51	7	1
8/3-8/21	39	52	9	0
3/24-29/20	61	30	9	1
2/19-23/20	52	39	8	0
1/8-12/20	46	47	6	1

The percentage saying their family is “living comfortably” has declined somewhat since 2020, while those “just getting by” or “struggling” have risen in number, as shown in Table 36. The current numbers are closer to the first time the question was asked, in 2016, than to the numbers in the middle period.

Table 36: Thinking about your family’s financial situation, would you say you are living comfortably, just getting by, or struggling to make ends meet? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Living comfortably	Just getting by	Struggling	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	53	35	11	1	0
9/6-11/22	56	33	11	0	0
8/10-15/22	54	36	10	0	1
8/3-8/21	60	31	7	0	1
10/21-25/20	67	26	6	0	1
9/30-10/4/20	60	30	9	1	1
8/30-9/3/20	60	32	8	0	1
8/4-9/20	63	28	8	1	0
6/14-18/20	61	31	6	1	1
5/3-7/20	61	28	9	0	1
3/24-29/20	59	30	10	0	0
2/19-23/20	62	29	8	0	1
1/8-12/20	63	28	8	0	0
12/3-8/19	62	27	11	1	1
Poll dates	Living comfortably	Just getting by	Struggling	Don’t know	Refused
11/13-17/19	66	25	8	0	1
8/25-29/19	59	30	9	1	0
4/3-7/19	59	31	9	0	0
1/16-20/19	60	30	9	1	0
10/24-28/18	60	30	9	0	1
10/3-7/18	63	29	7	0	0
9/12-16/18	56	32	12	1	0
8/15-19/18	63	28	9	0	0
6/13-17/18	58	30	11	1	1
2/25-3/1/18	54	34	10	1	0
6/22-25/17	53	32	14	1	0
3/13-16/17	54	35	11	1	0
10/26-31/16	50	35	14	0	1
10/6-9/16	47	38	15	0	0
9/15-18/16	53	34	11	1	1
8/25-28/16	53	33	13	0	0
6/9-12/16	50	37	12	0	0
3/24-28/16	51	38	10	1	0

Confidence in 2020 election

Opinion on the accuracy of the results of the 2020 presidential election continues to sharply divide the public, with 63% saying they are very or somewhat confident in the presidential election result and 34% saying they are not too confident or not at all confident in it. These views overall and by party identification are shown in Table 37.

Table 37: How confident are you that, here in Wisconsin, the votes for president were accurately cast and counted in the 2020 election?, total and by party identification (among registered voters)

Party ID	Very confident	Somewhat confident	Not too confident	Not at all confident	Don’t know	Refused
Total	48	15	15	19	3	0
Republican	18	16	27	35	4	0
Independent	43	22	14	18	3	1
Democrat	88	6	3	2	1	0

Table 38 shows the trend in 2020 election confidence.

Table 38: How confident are you that, here in Wisconsin, the votes for president were accurately cast and counted in the 2020 election? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Very confident	Somewhat confident	Not too confident	Not at all confident	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	48	15	15	19	3	0
9/6-11/22	46	19	16	18	1	0
8/10-15/22	48	18	15	17	2	1
6/14-20/22	51	16	11	21	0	0
4/19-24/22	48	16	12	23	1	0
2/22-27/22	48	19	11	19	2	0
10/26-31/21	47	18	12	19	3	0
8/3-8/21	48	19	15	16	1	0

Evaluations of Biden, Baldwin, and Trump

In October, 42% approve of the way President Joe Biden is handling his job, while 55% disapprove. In September, 40% approved and 55% disapproved. Table 39 shows approval overall and by party identification.

Table 39: Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way Joe Biden is handling his job as president?, total and by party identification, October 2022 (among registered voters)

Party ID	Approve	Disapprove	Don’t know	Refused
Total	42	55	2	1
Republican	6	93	0	0
Independent	37	59	3	1
Democrat	88	9	2	1

The trend in Biden approval since 2021 is shown in Table 40.

Table 40: Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way Joe Biden is handling his job as president? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Approve	Disapprove	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	42	55	2	1
9/6-11/22	40	55	4	0
8/10-15/22	40	55	5	1
6/14-20/22	40	57	3	0
4/19-24/22	43	53	3	1
2/22-27/22	43	52	3	2
10/26-31/21	43	53	4	1
8/3-8/21	49	46	4	0

Sen. Tammy Baldwin is seen favorably by 36% and unfavorably by 36%. The trend in views of Baldwin is shown in Table 41.

Table 41: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of Tammy Baldwin or haven’t you heard enough about her yet? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	36	36	19	7	1
9/6-11/22	37	40	19	4	1
8/10-15/22	39	37	18	6	0
6/14-20/22	39	37	20	3	1
4/19-24/22	43	36	17	3	0
2/22-27/22	42	36	18	3	1
10/26-31/21	38	39	19	3	0
8/3-8/21	40	38	19	3	0

Table 42 shows opinion of former President Donald Trump overall and by party identification in the October survey. A large majority of Republicans hold a favorable view of Trump, while majorities of independents and Democrats have an unfavorable opinion of him.

Table 42: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of Donald Trump or haven’t you heard enough about him yet?, total and by party identification, September 2022 (among registered voters)

Party ID	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
Total	37	55	2	5	1
Republican	78	15	2	5	0
Independent	29	58	3	7	3
Democrat	4	95	1	0	0

Views of Trump have barely changed since 2021, as shown in Table 43.

Table 43: Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of Donald Trump or haven’t you heard enough about him yet? (among registered voters)

Poll dates	Favorable	Unfavorable	Haven’t heard enough	Don’t know	Refused
10/3-9/22	37	55	2	5	1
9/6-11/22	38	58	1	3	0
8/10-15/22	38	57	1	4	0
6/14-20/22	39	56	3	2	0
4/19-24/22	36	58	2	3	1
2/22-27/22	36	57	2	3	2
10/26-31/21	38	57	2	3	0
8/3-8/21	38	55	3	4	1

About the Marquette Law School Poll

The Marquette Law School Poll is the most extensive statewide polling project in Wisconsin history. This poll interviewed 801 registered Wisconsin voters by landline or cell phone during Oct. 3-9, 2022. The margin of error is +/-4.3 percentage points for the full sample. The margin of error among the 652 likely voters is +/-4.8 percentage points. The poll completed 596 interviews prior to the debate between the U.S. Senate candidates on Oct. 7.

Some issue items were asked of half the sample. Those on Form A were asked of 402 respondents and have a margin of error of +/-6.2 percentage points. Form B items were asked of 399 and have a margin of error of +/-6 percentage points.

Items asked of half-samples include on Form A concern about the issues of public schools, inflation, taxes, and gun violence. Form B asked concern about the coronavirus pandemic, illegal immigration, and ensuring an accurate vote count. Form B also included items on property taxes and school spending, and the closing of schools and businesses at the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic. Concern about crime and abortion policy was asked on both Form A and Form B.

The partisan makeup of the sample, including those who lean to a party, is 45% Republican, 44% Democratic, and 9% independent. The partisan makeup of the sample, excluding those who lean to a party, is 30% Republican, 29% Democratic, and 40% independent.

Since January 2020, the long-term partisan balance, including those who lean to a party, in the Marquette Law School Poll has been 45% Republican and 44% Democratic, with 9% independent. Partisanship excluding those who lean has been 30% Republican and 28% Democratic, with 41% independent. The entire questionnaire, methodology statement, full results and breakdowns by demographic groups are available at law.marquette.edu/poll/results-and-data.