Editor’s Note: This is the second of three releases to announce findings in this poll, with a previous release distributed on Sept. 23 and a final release to follow on Sept. 25

Please note: Complete Poll results and methodology information can be found online at law.marquette.edu/poll

MILWAUKEE — A Marquette Law School poll of adults nationwide completed shortly before the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg finds 66 percent say they approve of the way the U.S. Supreme Court is handling its job, while 33 percent disapprove.

A similarly large 59 percent say they trust the Court the most among the three branches of government, with 24 percent saying they trust the presidency most and 16 percent saying they trust Congress the most.

The level of confidence in any specific branch of government is somewhat limited, with 40 percent saying they have a great deal or quite a lot of confidence in the Court and 45 percent saying they have some confidence. Sixteen percent say they have very little or no confidence in the Court. Table 1 shows the level of confidence that respondents place in each branch of the federal government and in their state supreme court (or highest court) for comparison.

Table 1: Confidence in federal branches of government and state supreme (or highest) court

Institution	A great deal	Quite a lot	Some	Very little	None at all
U.S. Supreme Court	12	28	45	13	3
The presidency	15	16	23	20	25
Congress	3	10	42	35	10
State supreme court	8	27	47	14	4

While nominations to the Court have become highly partisan in recent years, a majority of each partisan group approves of how the Court is handling its job. Approval is highest among Republicans, with 80 percent saying they approve. Among independents, 64 percent approve, while 57 percent of Democrats approve. Those disapproving are 19 percent of Republicans, 34 percent of independents, and 43 percent of Democrats.

With the exception of those who consider themselves very liberal, a majority of each ideological category also approves of how the Court is handling its job, as shown in Table 2.

Table 2: Approval of the Court, by self-described ideology

Ideology	Approve	Disapprove
Very conservative	67	31
Conservative	79	20
Moderate	63	35
Liberal	64	36
Very liberal	45	55

Turning to likely voters: First, as reported yesterday, 50 percent support former Vice President Joe Biden and 40 percent support President Donald Trump. Libertarian candidate Jo Jorgensen is supported by 3 percent and Green Party candidate Howie Hawkins by 2 percent.

Among likely voters who approve of the job the Court is doing, 46 percent say they will vote for former Vice President Joe Biden in the presidential election, while 46 percent will vote for President Donald Trump. Of those who disapprove of the Court’s handling of its job, 62 percent support Biden and 24 percent support Trump. Table 3 shows the vote by approval of the Court for all candidates.

Table 3: Presidential vote, by approval of the Court

Court job approval	Biden	Trump	Jorgensen	Hawkins	Vote for someone else	Would not vote
Approve	46	46	2	2	2	2
Disapprove	62	24	4	2	3	4

Among all likely voters, 69 percent approve of the way the Court is handling its job and 30 percent disapprove.

Institutional change

While substantial percentages of the public express approval or confidence in the Supreme Court, there is also considerable support for making changes to the powers and structure of the Court, and some people lack awareness of powers of the Court. While social scientists have usually measured the “legitimacy” of the Court through confidence or approval measures, the possible changes to the institution raise some doubts as to the robustness of support for the institution as currently structured.

One of the hallmarks of the Court’s powers, established in the 1803 Supreme Court decision in Marbury v. Madison, is the power of judicial review of laws or government actions to determine, in an appropriate case, if they violate the Constitution. In the poll, 87 percent say the Court has the power to reviews laws passed by Congress, while 13 percent say the Court does not have this power.

Similarly, 82 percent think that that the president must obey rulings of the Court, but 16 percent say the president can ignore a ruling of the Court.

A substantial minority, 41 percent, favor limiting the ability of the Court to review and set aside acts of Congress as unconstitutional, while 58 percent oppose such a change to the Court’s powers.

One popular change would set a fixed term of service on the Court rather than the current lifetime appointments as indicated in the Constitution. Seventy-five percent of respondents favor a limited term, while 25 percent oppose such a change.

Expansion of the Court has become a frequent topic of debate surrounding recent confirmation battles in Congress. Forty-six percent favor increasing the number of justices on the Court, while 53 percent oppose such a structural change.

There are only modest differences between partisans in support for limiting judicial review or for limiting the terms of justices. Support for limiting judicial review is 43 percent among Republicans, 38 percent among independents, and 41 percent among Democrats.

Support for limiting the term of service for justices is higher and also similar across partisan groups. Seventy-four percent of Republicans favor limiting terms, 73 percent of independents and 77 percent of Democrats.

Only on the issue of expanding the number of justices do we see partisan differences, as shown in Table 4, with more Republicans opposed to an expansion, more Democrats in favor and independents somewhat opposed on balance.

Table 4: Support for expanding the number of justices by party identification

Party ID	Favor	Oppose
Republican	34	65
Independent	41	58
Democrat	61	39

One in four respondents would also support a change to the balance of powers between Congress and the president, with 28 percent saying the president should have the power to make laws on his or her own if Congress fails to act, while 72 percent would reserve this power to the legislative branch.

On this potential change to the structure of the government, 50 percent of Republicans favor this expansion of executive authority while 50 percent oppose the change. Among Democrats, 18 percent favor giving a president this power and 82 percent are opposed. Independents are similar to Democrats on this issue, with 20 percent in favor and 80 percent opposed.

About the Marquette Law School Poll

The survey was conducted Sept. 8-15, 2020, interviewing 1,523 adults nationwide, with a margin of error of +/-3.3 percentage points. There are 1357 likely voters, with a margin of error of +/- 3.6 percentage points. Interviews were conducted by the National Opinion Research Center using its AmeriSpeak Panel, a national probability sample, with interviews conducted online. The detailed methodology statement, survey instrument, topline results, and crosstabs for this release are available at https://law.marquette.edu/poll/category/results-and-data/

Editor’s Note: This is the first of three releases to announce findings in this poll, with additional releases to follow on Sept. 24 and Sept. 25

Please note: Complete Poll results and methodology information can be found online at law.marquette.edu/poll

MILWAUKEE – The Supreme Court vacancy created by the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg on Sept. 18 has immediately put a nomination to the Court at the center of political debate. A new Marquette Law School Poll, conducted nationwide Sept. 8-15, finds that before Justice Ginsburg’s death, 48 percent of respondents said the choice of the next justice was very important to them, with 34 percent saying it was somewhat important and 17 percent saying it was not too important or not at all important.

While the debate over the nomination is likely to increase the salience of the Court and any new appointment, the survey provides some perspective on the somewhat limited attention voters generally pay to the Court.

More than one in four respondents, 28 percent, say that a majority of the justices were definitely or probably appointed by Democratic presidents, while 72 percent say that a majority were definitely or probably appointed by Republican presidents. Prior to Ginsburg’s death, five of the nine justices had been appointed by Republican presidents.

Among those who say that the next appointment is very important to them, 21 percent think a majority were definitely or probably appointed by Democratic presidents while 78 percent think Republican presidents appointed the majority.

Perception of the majority also varies by party, as shown in Table 1. Over a third of Republicans believe that a majority of the Court were appointed by Democrats, as do one in five Democrats and more than a quarter of independents.

Table 1: Perceived majority appointed by which party, according to party identification

Party ID	Definitely a majority appointed by Democratic presidents	Probably a majority appointed by Democratic presidents	Probably a majority appointed by Republican presidents	Definitely a majority appointed by Republican presidents
Republican	4	31	49	16
Independent	3	24	50	21
Democrat	5	17	53	24

A majority of respondents perceive the Court as ideologically moderate, 54 percent, with 30 percent saying it is conservative and 5 saying it is very conservative. The court is seen as liberal by 9 percent and as very liberal by 2 percent. In short, much of the public sees a moderate or right-leaning Court, rather than an extremely ideological one.

Most voters have limited familiarity with the justices. Prior to her death, Justice Ginsburg was the most widely recognized of the nine justices, with 63 percent saying they knew enough to have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of her. Justice Brett Kavanaugh, whose confirmation in 2018 followed a contentious debate, was almost as well known, with 60 percent able to give an opinion about him. These are the best-known justices and, in the survey, 24 percent were unable to give an opinion of any of the nine justices, and just over half, 52 percent, could give an opinion of only three justices or fewer. Thirty percent could give an opinion of six or more justices.

Electoral politics and the Court

Among likely voters in the nationwide sample, 50 percent say that they will vote for former Vice President Joe Biden for president, 40 percent support President Donald Trump, Libertarian Jo Jorgensen receives 3 percent and Green Party candidate Howie Hawkins 2 percent.

Among likely voters who support Biden, 59 percent say that a court appointment is very important, while among Trump voters, 51 percent say the same.

The importance of Court appointments by vote choice is shown in Table 2.

Table 2: Importance of Court appointment, by presidential vote (among likely voters)

Vote choice	Very important	Somewhat important	Not too/not at all
Biden	59	30	11
Trump	51	34	15

Partisan differences among all adults in the degree of importance of the next appointment are shown in Table 3, with 56 percent of Democrats and 48 percent of Republicans saying that the appointment is very important to them. Table 3 shows the full set of responses by partisanship.

Table 3: Importance of Court appointment, by party identification

Party ID	Very important	Somewhat important	Not too/not at all
Republican	48	33	18
Independent	39	37	24
Democrat	56	32	11

Forty-seven percent approve of how Trump has handled appointments to the Supreme Court, while 52 percent disapprove. Among the several areas of presidential approval, this is his second highest level of approval, as shown in Table 4.

Table 4: Trump job approval, by issue

Topic	Approve	Disapprove
Handling of economy	51	49
Handling of Court appointments	47	52
Overall approval	41	58
Handling of coronavirus	38	62
Handling of Black Lives Matter protests	37	62

Groups and issues

Religious groups have been deeply involved in cases before the Supreme Court in recent years. Table 5 shows that appointments to the Court are most important to both born-again Protestants and those who say they have no religious attachment, with non-evangelical Protestants (“mainline”) and Roman Catholics giving slightly lower importance to appointments to the Court.

Table 5: Importance of Court appointment, by religious affiliation

Religion	Very important	Somewhat important	Not too/not at all
Born-again Protestant	51	35	14
Mainline Protestant	42	35	23
Roman Catholic	42	39	19
No religion	50	30	20

The 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, which made abortion legal, has been an enduring dividing line in American politics, and those with strong views give somewhat more importance to the next appointment, but not extraordinarily so. Of those who strongly favor overturning the Roe decision, 59 percent say that the next appointment to the Court is very important to them, while of those strongly opposed to overturning the Roe decision, 56 percent say the next appointment is very important. Those with less strong opinions about Roe are less concerned about the next appointment, with 44 percent very concerned among those who somewhat favor overturning Roe and 32 percent very concerned among those who somewhat oppose overturning the decision.

The Court has accepted for oral argument this fall a case that challenges the constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), or Obamacare, which could uphold the act, strike down only part of it, or strike down the entire law. Among those who strongly favor striking down the ACA, 53 percent say that the next appointment to the Court is very important to them, while 61 percent of those who strongly oppose striking down the health care law say the next appointment to the Court is very important to them. Those less strongly in favor of striking down the law are also less concerned with the next Court appointment, with 41 percent saying the appointment is very important, as do 33 percent of those somewhat opposed to striking down the law.

Justifications for voting against qualified nominee

Looking ahead to a debate over a Trump nominee, 41 percent say that senators would be justified in voting against an otherwise qualified nominee “simply because of how they believe the justice would decide cases on issues such as abortion, gun control or affirmative action,” and 58 percent say senators would not be justified in opposing a nominee for this reason.

Half as many respondents, 21 percent, say a senator would be justified in voting against a nominee simply because of the political party of the president who made the nomination, with 78 percent saying this is not a justification for voting against an otherwise qualified nominee.

Fifty-one percent of respondents say that nominees should be required to publicly declare how they would vote on controversial cases before they are confirmed, while 48 percent say nominees should not be required to do so.

Despite growing partisan division over appointments to the Court, four-in-five respondents (82 percent) say justices should ignore the positions of political parties when making decisions, while 18 percent say they should support the views of one of the parties as part of their decisions.

Forty-four percent of respondents say the justices should consider public opinion about a case in reaching their decisions, with 55 percent saying they should not consider public opinion.

The practice of following established opinions has played a significant role in recent confirmation hearings, often focusing on Roe v. Wade, but 81 percent say the justices should overturn previous decisions if a majority believe the case was wrongly decided. Eighteen percent say they should follow the previous decision whenever possible.

Public views of the justices

Respondents were asked if they had a favorable or unfavorable opinion of each of the justices but were also offered the options of saying they hadn’t heard of the justice or had not heard enough about them to have an opinion. Opinions and awareness, measured prior to Justice Ginsburg’s death, are shown in Table 6.

Table 6: Recognition and favorability ratings of justices

Topic	Never heard of	Heard but not enough	Favorable	Unfavorable
Ruth Bader Ginsburg	17	19	44	19
Sonia Sotomayor	28	25	33	14
Clarence Thomas	22	23	30	25
John Roberts	31	27	28	13
Brett Kavanaugh	16	23	28	32
Neil Gorsuch	37	29	19	14
Elena Kagan	46	27	18	9
Samuel Alito	41	33	17	8
Stephen Breyer	47	34	12	6

About the Marquette Law School Poll

The survey was conducted Sept. 8-15, 2020, interviewing 1,523 adults nationwide, with a margin of error of +/-3.3 percentage points. There are 1357 likely voters, with a margin of error of +/- 3.6 percentage points. Interviews were conducted by the National Opinion Research Center, using its AmeriSpeak Panel, a national probability sample, with interviews conducted online. The detailed methodology statement, survey instrument, topline results and crosstabs for this release are available at https://law.marquette.edu/poll/category/results-and-data/.