When it Comes to Pollution, How Much is Too Much?

A hand above a stream

The late Justice Crooks once wrote for a majority of the Wisconsin Supreme Court that “general standards are common in environmental statues . . . [and] the fact that [they] are broad standards does not make them non-existent ones.” That principle is about to be tested in both the United States Supreme Court and the Wisconsin Supreme Court. General standards (or, as their opponents often call them, vague standards) may be “common in environmental statutes,” but they are also becoming extremely controversial, as demonstrated in a pair of current cases.

The first is a federal matter, City and County of San Francisco v. Environmental Protection Agency, in which the United States Supreme Court granted certiorari on May 28. The case concerns regulatory agencies’ authority under the Clean Water Act (CWA) to issue “narrative” standards, or statements that describe a water quality goal when numeric standards are too difficult to quantify. The permit provision at issue prohibits a wastewater treatment facility from “causing or contributing to” a violation of water quality standards, and from discharging substances that “create pollution, contamination, or nuisance.” The appellant municipalities say those standards are too vague, because they create no specific numerical requirements that provide a yardstick as to when the water has been sufficiently treated to avoid running afoul of the CWA—no way to know “how much is too much” pollution. In other words, the argument is that the municipalities cannot design treatment technologies without more definite standards.

Last term in Sackett v. Environmental Protection Agency, the Court struck down EPA’s broad interpretation of the term “waters of the United States” in the CWA, sharply curtailing the agency’s authority to regulate discharges into wetlands. And in the meantime, the court overruled its longstanding principle of deferring to agencies’ legal interpretations of statutory terms, known as Chevron deference. Together, those decisions may not bode well for EPA’s position in the San Francisco case.

The Wisconsin Supreme Court’s endorsement of “general” standards described at the beginning of this post came in response to a challenge of the Department of Natural Resources’ general authority under the Wisconsin statutes and the public trust doctrine to “protect, maintain and improve” the waters of the state. In the case, Lake Beulah Management District v. DNR, the court held that the DNR could rely on general legislative grants of authority such as that to place conditions on permits issued for the operation of high-capacity wells. The court reached a similar conclusion a decade later in 2021, in two decisions relating to DNR’s authority to regulate Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations and high-capacity wells, both captioned Clean Wisconsin v. DNR. In the Clean Wisconsin cases, the court held that agency authority that is stated in broad terms nevertheless qualifies as actionable, “explicit” authority within the meaning of Wis. Stat. § 227.10(2m), which prohibits the agency from implementing or enforcing a permit condition not “explicitly required or explicitly permitted” by statute or by rule.

That position will be tested again should the court accept the pending petition for review in Wisconsin Manufacturers and Commerce, Inc. and Leather Rich, Inc. v. DNR. The case concerns Wisconsin’s “Spills Law,” Wis. Stat. § 292.11. The Spills Law requires a person who causes the discharge of a “hazardous substance,” or who possesses or controls a hazardous substance that has been discharged, to notify DNR of the spill and then to “take the actions necessary to restore the environment.” There is no list of “hazardous substances” – instead, the statute broadly defines the term to include almost any substance “which may pose a substantial present or potential hazard to human health or the environment . . . .” In practice, DNR has enjoyed substantial flexibility in determining what qualifies as a “hazardous substance.” The dispute in Leather Rich arose over DNR’s amendment of an ongoing remediation plan to include emerging contaminants such as PFAS, the “forever chemicals,” within the definition of “hazardous substances.”

The court of appeals affirmed the circuit court for Waukesha County’s order finding that the DNR “ha[s] the responsibility to determine . . . what the hazardous substances are by statute,” which “mean[s] that there has to be a rule-making function by the department . . . so that the individuals have notice as to what the law is and how the law is going to be implemented.” The court of appeals also affirmed the circuit court’s conclusion that DNR’s enforcement of the Spills Law with respect to PFAS without making a list of “hazardous substances” was “an unlawfully adopted rule and is invalid and unenforceable.”

In its Petition for Review, the Wisconsin Department of Justice argued that the decision “implies that agencies cannot enforce open-ended statutes without [promulgating] rules explaining their view of what exactly the statutes cover.” This effectively ignores the Clean Wisconsin cases, the state argued, and could end any Spills Law enforcement whatsoever.

Both cases—San Francisco at the federal level and Leather Rich at the state level—will require courts of last resort to analyze broad provisions in environmental protection statutes to delineate an agency’s implementation and enfacement authority. For both the regulated community and the environment, the stakes could hardly be higher.

Continue ReadingWhen it Comes to Pollution, How Much is Too Much?

The 2024 Wisconsin Assembly Races are the Most Contested in a Decade

The state legislative districts Wisconsin adopted in February 2024 bear little resemblance to the maps used previously.

As I wrote at the time, the new map is more competitive: there are more seats either party could win, and those seats will determine who controls both chambers. It is also more contested. The number of districts drawing a candidate from both parties, and the number of party primaries drawing multiple candidates are both unusually high.

The contested nature of the new districts is the subject of this blog post.

Voters in eighty Assembly districts (out of 99) will be able to choose between a Democrat and a Republican in November 2024. That is the highest number since at least 2010. In 2022, just 73 districts featured a candidate from both major parties.

The situation in the State Senate is different. Only 9 (of 16) races offer both a Democrat and a Republican. That is down from 12 (out of 17) in 2022.

Seats contested by both parties
Wisconsin State Legislature
assemblysenate
20106815
20127210
20144714
2016508
20186113
20207911
20227312
2024809

Under the new map, many legislators found themselves living in new districts—sometimes along with other sitting incumbents. This big shakeup creates a lot of opportunities for contested primaries.

To see how this primary season compares to past years, I collected the election results from each August partisan primary beginning in 2012. Here are the results.

Given that there are 99 Assembly districts, there can be a total of 198 Democratic or Republican contested primaries. In 2024, there will be 43, up from 31 in 2022, 25 in 2020, and 17 in 2018. The last time we saw more contested primaries was 2012, when 45 featured at least two candidates.

The number of contested Republican primaries in 2024 is actually 1 fewer than in 22. But the number of contested Democratic primaries grew from 8 in 2022 to 21 in 2024.

Fewer State Senate races feature competitive primaries. Out of 16 seats (32 potential primaries), only 4 are contested, 2 for each party. This is down from 7 in 2022 and 8 in 2020.

bar plot showing the number of contested primaries by party

Most Wisconsinites live in a district that leans quite strongly toward one party or the other, so the partisan primary is often the most consequential state legislative race available to these voters. I was curious how many districts feature a contested primary from either party.

By this measure, 2024 is record setting, at least since 2012. Forty-two districts offer at least one contested Assembly primary. The next highest year is 2012, when 39 districts did so.

About 60,000 people live in each district, so roughly 780,000 more Wisconsin residents live in a district with a competitive primary in 2024 than two years ago. Compared to 2018, 1.5 million more Wisconsinites live somewhere with a contested Assembly primary.

bar plot showing the number of districts with at least one contested primary

Of the 21 contested Democratic primaries, 9 are in southeastern Wisconsin (7 in Milwaukee County), and another 7 are in the greater Madison metro. Two are near Eau Claire, and one is in the newly Democratic-leaning district south of La Crosse.  Districts along Green Bay and Lake Superior have also drawn multiple Democratic candidates.

The 22 contested Republican primaries include 8 in the north central and northwestern parts of the state. Another 7 contested districts are near Lake Winnebago, Brown County, Sheboygan, and Manitowoc. Finally, a set of districts in the more suburban areas of southeastern Wisconsin also feature multiple GOP candidates. None of the southwestern districts feature competitive Republican primaries.

maps showing the primary status of each assembly district
maps of the MKE area showing partisan primary status of each assembly district

Two of the most interesting Assembly primaries are occurring in the Milwaukee metro, scarcely 20 miles apart. Each features an incumbent legislator who sits to the ideological fringe of their party, and each has drawn a challenger supported by more mainstream members of their party.

The 24th Assembly district leans Republican by about 20 points. It covers parts of suburban Menomonee Falls and Germantown in southeastern Washington County. The current incumbent is Janel Brandtjen who has “drawn national attention as one of the Wisconsin Legislature’s most prominent purveyors of conspiracies about the 2020 election.” Current Republican State Senator Dan Knodl has chosen to run instead in the 24th Assembly district Republican primary. Brandtjen has been endorsed by Donald Trump himself, while Knodl has drawn support from Americans for Prosperity-Wisconsin.

The 19th district features a politician about as far removed from Janel Brandtjen as possible. Incumbent Ryan Clancy is a member of the Democratic Socialists of America and a cofounder of the state Assembly’s two-member socialist caucus. He is endorsed by many of the state’s leading progressive organizations and some left-leaning Democratic legislators. His primary challenger is Jarrod Anderson, a self-described “pragmatic progressive” with endorsements from numerous local Democratic politicians including the mayor, the county executive, the chair of the county board of supervisors, and the district’s previous incumbent.

Because both of these districts are strongly partisan—Republican in one case and Democratic in the other—contested primaries like these give voters a uniquely consequential choice between actual alternatives. For outside observers, they offer a unique opportunity to view the relative strength of the political coalitions which make up each party’s base.

Continue ReadingThe 2024 Wisconsin Assembly Races are the Most Contested in a Decade

Introducing the Lubar Center’s New Tool for Accessing Wisconsin Election Data

Past election results in Wisconsin aren’t always easy to find. Official, certified election results are spread across many different cumbersome Excel workbooks on multiple websites. And official statistics do not compile votes by municipalities.

To solve all of these problems, the Lubar Center has created a new online website, MULawPoll.org, which covers all presidential, gubernatorial, and congressional races from 2000 through 2022. It also includes state legislative races from 2010-2022. The website will be updated with 2024 results once they have been certified.

a screenshot of MuLawPoll.org

The website includes a chapter for every county, featuring demographic data and sortable/filterable tables allowing deeper exploration of voting trends. A user can quickly answer questions like “How did the village of Cedarburg vote in past presidential elections?” or “How many Dane County municipalities voted for Tommy Thompson in 2012?” We also provide a table of election results aggregated by every municipality in the state, where municipalities that straddle county lines (like Wisconsin Dells) are presented as a single unit.

Other chapters include a long term overview of partisan strength in Wisconsin, an essay by Craig Gilbert about Wisconsin’s uniquely competitive political environment, and a detailed look at Marquette Law Poll data pertaining to the 2024 election written by Charles Franklin.

The website’s election data have been compiled from official returns, collected either from the Wisconsin Election Commission or the Wisconsin Historical Society. The underlying data files, along with documentation and processing scripts are available here.

Please direct questions to John Johnson or Charles Franklin.

Continue ReadingIntroducing the Lubar Center’s New Tool for Accessing Wisconsin Election Data