The Beginning of Health Reform

On March 23, 2010, President Obama made history by signing into law the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, a landmark statute that aims to fundamentally reform virtually all aspects of the nation’s health care system. The health reform law is fairly viewed as the most sweeping social policy legislation since Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society initiatives.

There are many specific goals of the statute, including expanding health insurance coverage, increasing access to health care services, improving health care quality, enhancing the value of care received, eliminating racial and ethnic health disparities, strengthening the public health infrastructure, expanding and diversifying the health care workforce, and encouraging consumer and patient wellness at home and at work. More fundamentally, however, the goal of health reform is to restructure the current health care system into one that operates more fairly, more efficiently, and with more accountability on the part of the many different stakeholders involved.

Although passage of the law was 14 months in the making, the statute itself is merely the first step. Next comes the truly challenging part: translating the enormous (and enormously complex) law into a transformed health system. 

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Age Discrimination in Health Care

Among other things, the recent “death panel” controversy highlights our collective unease with the thought of elderly people being denied needed medical care based on someone else’s decision that their lives are not worth saving.  Yet, even without death panels, much research demonstrates that the elderly already suffer a great deal of discrimination in the health-care system, from the use of demeaning or patronizing language by medical personnel to disqualification from experimental treatments to dismissive responses regarding health complaints.  However, legal remedies for age discimination in health care have proven elusive.

Phoebe Weaver Williams explores ageism in health care, as well as potential remedies under the Age Act of 1975, in a pathbreaking new article recently published in the Marquette Elder’s Advisor.  She argues that legal theories developed in connection with employment discrimination litigation, such as the hostile environment theory, might be adapted for use in the health-care context.

Entitled “Age Discrimination in the Delivery of Health Care Services to Our Elders,” Phoebe’s article was published at 11 Marq. Elder’s Advisor 1.  The abstract appears after the jump. 

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What Are The Core Constitutional Values Behind The Tea Party Movement?

I recently posted an article on SSRN entitled “Charters, Compacts and Tea Parties: The Decline and Resurrection of a Delegation View of the Constitution.”  You can download the article here.

The emergence of the Tea Party Movement as a political phenomenon has generated a great deal of media attention and punditry over the last year.  Most observers have concluded that those who self-identify as “tea partiers” comprise a loose amalgamation of libertarians, states’ rights advocates and opponents of government intervention in the free markets.  While most activists have a Republican voting record, the Movement appears to have arisen independent of the Republican Party.  Critics of the Bush Administration’s domestic spying activities stand shoulder to shoulder with skeptics of the Obama Administration’s health care reform efforts.  To the extent that Tea Party activists share one common political philosophy, that philosophy might best be described as “rage against the federal government.”

Liberals seem inclined to deny the existence of any intellectual content behind the Tea Party Movement, preferring to focus on the undeniable presence of some racists, militia members, and conspiracy theorists among the activists.  While it is safe to assume that, for some, anger at the federal government seems inextricably connected to the fact that an African-American is President, Juan Williams is correct when he identifies the core concerns of the Movement as non-racial.  Similarly, the “birthers” and other fringe elements in the Movement are merely piggy backing on a generalized anger against the federal government that does not derive from their parochial concerns.  Our nation’s public discourse would benefit greatly if conservative intellectuals did more to repudiate these fringe elements, much the way that William F. Buckley famously repudiated the John Birch Society in 1965, but the “anger industry” that profits off of cable television, books and political fundraising appeals is apparently loathe to alienate any of its prime consumers.

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