Reinstatement of a Wrongfully Discharged Lawyer?

 

Earlier this week, the Wisconsin Court of Appeals issued an interesting decision involving remedies for the discharge of in-house counsel in violation of the Equal Pay, Act, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the Wisconsin Fair Employment Act. Sands v. Menard, Inc., involved a claim by a lawyer terminated from her position as vice president and executive general counsel of the Wisconsin-based building supplies company. The lawyer had claimed that she was the victim of gender-based pay discrimination. The matter was submitted to arbitration, and Menard was determined to have violated the lawyer’s rights in underpaying her and retaliating for her complaint.

The arbitration panel awarded the lawyer compensatory and punitive damages and also ordered reinstatement, a remedy that neither party sought. In upholding the reinstatement order, the court provided the following analysis:

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Keeping the Underclass in Its Place

Now on SSRN, David Papke has another installment in his great series of articles on the American underclass.  The new article, “Keeping the Underclass in Its Place: Zoning, the Poor, and Residential Segregation,” explores (among other things) the role of law in maintaining class-based residential segregation.  Here is the abstract:

This article discusses the ways suburban zoning keeps the underclass out of the suburbs. The article begins by discussing the complex and sometimes contentious notion of an “underclass,” which became part of popular and political discourse in the United States in the late 1970s and early 1980s. This socio-economic group is defined not by race but rather by the group’s weak ties to the labor market. The article continues by considering the specific steps suburban zoning officials take to make it impossible for members of the underclass to find low-cost rental housing in the suburbs. The article then explores the possibility of challenging these zoning practices by invoking federal constitutional law standards, concluding that challenges of this sort hold little promise. In conclusion, the article addresses what might be accomplished not only by keeping the urban poor out of the suburbs but also by keeping them in the center-city. The article does not critique lines of legal reasoning or propose law reform but rather captures an oppressive aspect of American life and underscores the role law plays in it.

As usual, David provides a deeply engaging account of the development of the law that is rich in social and historical context.  Another in his underclass series (“Family Law for the Underclass: Underscoring Law’s Ideological Function“) is also available on SSRN.

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Brave Afghani Women Protest Law Change

Did you see this article in the New York Times this morning, about the 300 women protesting a new law that would give men in the Shiite minority community virtually complete control over the lives of their wives?  The NYT describes the law this way:

The law, approved by both houses of Parliament and signed by President Hamid Karzai, applies to the Shiite minority only, essentially giving clerics authority over intimate matters between women and men. Women here and governments and rights groups abroad have protested three parts of the law especially.

One provision makes it illegal for a woman to resist her husband’s sexual advances. A second provision requires a husband’s permission for a woman to work outside the home or go to school. And a third makes it illegal for a woman to refuse to “make herself up” or “dress up” if that is what her husband wants.

And the protest itself:

The women who protested Wednesday began their demonstration with what appeared to be a deliberately provocative act. They gathered in front of the School of the Last Prophet, a madrassa run by Ayatollah Asif Mohsini, the country’s most powerful Shiite cleric. He and the scholars around him played an important role in the drafting of the new law.

“We are here to campaign for our rights,” one woman said into a loudspeaker. Then the women held their banners aloft and began to chant.

The reaction was immediate. Hundreds of students from the madrassa, most but not all of them men, poured into the streets to confront the demonstrators.

“Death to the enemies of Islam!” the counterdemonstrators cried, encircling the women. “We want Islamic law!”

The women stared ahead and kept walking.

A phalanx of police, some of them women, held the crowds apart.

As a refugee law professor, dramatic confrontations like this one always lead my thoughts back to the legal definition of “refugee,” and the absence of  “gender” among the enumerated categories of persecution.  For instance, the U.S. defines “refugee” as a person “unable or unwilling to return to . . . [his or her home] country because of persecution or a well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion . . . .” I have considered thearguments, legal and practical, against trying to add “gender” to the Refugee Convention’s definition as a separate ground.  But I think I disagree.  For that reason and so many others, it seems like time to revisit the convention and protocol that established the international definition of “refugee.”

Back to the main point, the courage of these Afghani women is inspiring. And the NYT article suggests that the law change might possibly be halted before becoming enforceable.

Cross-posted at feministlawprofs.

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