Bridging Peace Across Continents: Rwanda’s Peace and Values Curriculum Comes to Milwaukee

This is the sixth and final in an occasional series of blog posts occasioned by a visit I made to Rwanda in the summer of 2024. The firstsecondthird, fourth and fifth can be found at the included links.

The Roots of Violence: From Rwanda to Milwaukee
In my second blog post, Putting a Face to the Harm—Commemorating Lives, I wrote about the Kigali Genocide Memorial and how violence rarely erupts suddenly. It builds slowly through layers of conflict, division, and systemic inequity. In Rwanda, colonial rule imposed rigid racial hierarchies, embedding discrimination deep within institutions. Over time, these injustices intensified, leading to devastating violence and, ultimately, genocide.

While the scale and circumstances differ, aspects of this pattern are tragically familiar. In cities such as Milwaukee, cycles of community violence—especially gun violence—continue to disproportionately impact Black communities. Each act of harm, beyond its own wrongfulness, reinforces historical trauma and inequity, mistrust, and disconnection. In 2022, according to the Medical College of Wisconsin (MCW), Wisconsin ranked second in the nation for Black homicide victimization—a sobering statistic that reflects both the depth of harm and the urgency of response.

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Will Wisconsin Get New Congressional Maps?

When the election of the liberal justice Janet Protasiewicz flipped the balance of the Wisconsin Supreme Court in 2023, liberal groups responded immediately. A lawsuit was filed the day after she joined the court, which led to the new liberal majority barring further use of the existing state assembly and senate districts. Those maps had been crafted by Republican legislators and redounded greatly to their benefit. In 2022, the Democratic Governor Tony Evers won reelection with 51.1% of the vote, yet he only carried a majority in 39 of 99 Assembly and 13 of 33 Senate seats.

For fear of the Court imposing an even worse map (for them), Republican legislators responded by passing a map drawn by Evers. Evers accepted this compromise; although it was opposed by almost all state legislators from his own party. The results of this new map were on full display in November 2024. Harris lost the state with 48.7% of the vote, but she still carried a majority of the vote in 49 of 99 assembly seats and 17 of 33 senate seats.

Throughout all of this, the 8 Wisconsin congressional districts remained unchanged. In fact, the congressional map used in 2022 was barely different from the one drawn in 2011.

Spring 2025 once again saw the ideological balance of the Supreme Court at stake. This time, a victory by the conservative candidate would have flipped the majority back to its pre-2023 status quo. Instead, the liberal candidate Susan Crawford won by 10 points, and liberal groups again responded by promptly filing redistricting lawsuits, this time challenging the Congressional map.

To date, two petitions and one complaint (from different prominent firms) have been filed, each making quite different arguments as to why the state courts should toss the current map. The first two petitions were filed directly with the State Supreme Court. Although the court agreed to hear opposing and supporting briefs to the petitions, they ultimately declined to hear them in late June, issuing no comment about the merits of the arguments presented. The third complaint was filed with the Dane County circuit court shortly after the first two were rejected. For reasons I’ll discuss below, this latest case makes arguments which may bear more fruit for those seeking new maps.

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The Safety and Justice Challenge

John Mccaffary Burial MemorialIn Ethics and Infinity, philosopher and Nazi prison survivor Emmanuel Levinas is asked about responsibility for “the Other” and says, “You know that sentence of Dostoyevsky: ‘We are all guilty of all and for all men before all, and I more than the others’. This is not owing to such or such a guilt which is really mine, or to offenses that I would have committed; but because I am responsible for a total responsibility, which answers for all the others and for all in the others, even for their responsibility. The I always has one responsibility more than all the others.”

I was a third-year law student in a seminar on Law and Theology when I read that passage and wrestled with it. The philosophical writings of the Jewish Holocaust survivors and of German Christian writers, such as Dietrich Bonhoeffer, who suffered under the Nazi regime examined the obligation of the individual in relation to others and the state. Levinas was asserting an extraordinarily expansive (and I thought at the time unrealistic) ethical obligation of the person in relation to the other: to be wholly responsible for seeing and uplifting the human dignity of others, even if there is no reciprocity. Is it possible to secure safety and to render justice to the idea of human dignity at the same time?

At that stage in my education, I had already worked with prisoners as a law student in a clinic, so I had some sense how dehumanizing a jail or prison is to the people locked inside. I had also worked in a prosecutor’s office directing people into the prison or jail system and could understand why some people had to be removed from the community. Both experiences shaped my professional views.

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