Do Like a Lawyer

The start of the new academic year means a new group of first-year law students, ready for the three-year adventure that is law school. And each fall, those same students hear much about what they’re going to learn in law school. Usually the main thing they hear is that they will learn to “think like a lawyer.”

It’s certainly true that law school will teach students a particular way of thinking critically that will infuse all of their thinking from here forward. It’s also true that lawyers ought to be thinking critically. (So should everyone, in my view.) But law school should do more than teach students how to “think like a lawyer.” It should teach students how to “be” lawyers.

It is on this thought that I am reminded of Steven M. Radke, L’02.  The Law School invited Radke, vice president of government relations at Northwestern Mutual Insurance Co., to speak at its orientation event in fall 2006. Radke gave an entertaining and informative speech to that year’s entering class, the text of which can be found here. At one point, Radke discussed the often-stated law school goal of learning to “think like a lawyer,” a goal, he said, that is a bit troubling, particularly if it suggests that there is a single way lawyers think. He continued,

[I]f, God forbid, I someday find myself being wheeled into an emergency room, I hope the person preparing to operate on me doesn’t just think like a doctor.  I want him or her to be a doctor.

Radke’s point is spot on. Law school should not only teach students how to “think like a lawyer,” but it should also teach students how to be a lawyer. 

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Evidentiary Problems in Congressional Foreign Policymaking

Here’s an interesting news item: The Administration is reportedly preparing to bring military and political leaders of the Syrian rebels to Washington so that they can lobby Congress to approve U.S. military intervention against Assad. I mention this because it seems to highlight a significant evidentiary problem that Congress has to deal with in deciding momentous questions of foreign policy. To inform their decision, members of the House and Senate will have intelligence reports that the President has chosen to share, testimony from executive branch officials, press reports, and whatever information can be gleaned from the rebel leaders. But virtually all of these sources are heavily biased in favor of intervention. Having already decided to pursue military action, the President and his subordinates are disinclined to highlight evidence that might weaken their case. The Syrian rebels are, for obvious reasons, unlikely to present anything other than an argument for intervention. And the U.S. media is both hawkish and sub-optimal as a source of military and foreign intelligence, given frequent lack of access to inside information. Analogizing to domestic litigation, the situation is like having one party to a lawsuit provide virtually all of the evidence, and forcing the court itself to find any support for the counterargument. If the adversarial system elicits truth, this approach may do the opposite. Moreover, the approach is particularly problematic in foreign policy because Congress is unable to employ its usual tools of investigation outside the territory of the United States. Committees, for example, can’t subpoena foreign leaders to testify, staff members can’t gather eyewitness accounts by deposing non-citizens living abroad, and relevant governments may not volunteer relevant and reliable information. In many cases, members of Congress try to make up for the information gap by traveling overseas to meet with foreign leaders and observe conditions, but the instability in Syria renders even that option unavailable. Don’t be surprised if the overwhelmingly one-sided configuration of evidentiary inputs results in Congress approving the use of force.

Cross-posted at Ryan Scoville’s blog.

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Legal Education’s Loss and the Problem with CLE

Late last week David Hass, Wisconsin’s Director of Judicial Education, died unexpectedly. For 16 years Dave coordinated an innovative variety of excellent programs that updated judges on important developments while deepening their understanding of core legal principles. Dave was a warm, gracious man who will be missed.

Dave’s passing is an opportunity to reflect briefly on the sharp contrast between continuing education for judges and lawyers. My modest observations are informed by nearly thirty years of teaching to both groups and by my current perspective as chair of the Wisconsin Board of Bar Examiners, which regulates continuing lawyer education (CLE).

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