Participation in Pro Bono Work and Law Student Well-Being—Any Correlation?

Assistant Dean Angela Schultz
Assistant Dean Angela Schultz

Last week I posted about Marquette Law School’s list—one faculty member, one staff colleague, and one student—for the honor roll of the Pro Bono and Access to Justice Section of the Association of American Law Schools. I explained that I relied on the expertise of Angela F. Schultz, assistant dean for public service at the Law School.

As we begin this week—the sixth of the semester, remarkable to say—I want again to draw on Dean Schultz’s work, perhaps every more directly. In particular, permit me to highlight for you—and direct you to—a post that she recently made on the University of St. Thomas School of Law’s Holloran Center Professional Identity Implementation Blog. Here is a taste of it, as we say in the blogosphere:

I have been at Marquette Law School for eleven years. Over the years, I have witnessed students become more willing and able to identify and discuss mental health challenges they have faced in their own lives—challenges the students themselves have described as stress, anxiety, depression, and sometimes as trauma. I remember one recent student who lost both parents during their first year of law school. Another student took a leave of absence and was hospitalized for severe anxiety. If you work with law students, you also know some of the challenges facing students’ well-being.

I can think of three recent conversations where students identified their involvement in pro bono service as being among the factors that ultimately aided them on a path towards wellness. These three students’ experiences are not unique. Each year, we evaluate student experience in pro bono clinics. Comments from a recent survey included: “This work reminds me why I came to law school in the first place.” “I was afraid of working one-on-one with a client because I didn’t realize I already had skills that could be helpful.” “I feel connected to the people served in the clinic. These are my people.”

Dean Schultz’s post is thoughtful and engaging. I invite you to read the whole thing here—and to gain an insight or two. I was glad to do so.

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Can Common Carrier Principles Control Dominance by Twitter and Google?

Prof. Jim Speta
Prof. Jim Speta

The Robert F. Boden Lecture is an annual highlight at Marquette University Law School, public health permitting. After a COVID-19 hiatus in 2020 and 2021—true community events require being in person—the Boden Lecture resumed yesterday. It did so most impressively, with Jim Speta, the Elizabeth Froehling Horner Professor at Northwestern University’s Pritzker School of Law, as Marquette Law School’s distinguished visitor.

For his lecture, Professor Speta took up “The Past’s Lessons for Today: Can Common Carrier Principles Make for a Better Internet?” The topic is especially timely in light of the Fifth Circuit’s decision last Friday upholding a Texas state law regulating internet platforms. Here is a taste of it:

In this lecture, I will address both the dominance of the internet platforms and the calls to regulate them as common carriers. To begin to define our terms, this reference to the platforms means the dominance by Google and Facebook, by Amazon and Apple (and to a lesser extent by Twitter and Microsoft), of the ways we receive information, exchange it, even understand it. The main concern is that these platforms are biased, that they discriminate, that they foreclose speech. That is why, today, platform critics—including governments—are reaching for the traditional law of railroads and of telephone companies: the law of common carriage. That once-dominant law forbade discrimination. In addition to the Texas and Florida statutes . . . , one Supreme Court Justice has written in favor of platform-focused common carrier regulation, as have numerous federal and state lawmakers, some academics, and numerous commentators. Bills have been offered or are pending in Congress and in many states, including Wisconsin.

I think the proposals for common carrier regulation of platforms are very right—and very wrong. I think they are right to worry about the dominance of internet platforms, and they are right that common carrier law, even though it smells musty and over the past few decades has largely been discarded in the United States, can be part of the solution. I think they are very wrong to target common carrier solutions at the platforms’ core operations themselves—to change the ways in which users are permitted access, content is moderated, and search results are provided. Such platform regulation does not fit the common carrier model. Platforms are not merely conduits of user behavior, although they are partly that. Platforms also seek to create a particular kind of speech experience that holds the attention of their users. If we are required to have an analogy to an old form of media, platforms are more like newspapers and broadcasters than telephone companies, though I think the best single analogy is to bookstores. Newspapers, broadcasters, and bookstores curate the content they offer their customers, and common carrier rules have never applied to them. Even more concerning, laws directly controlling platforms simply give the government unprecedented power over the content experiences these private companies seek to create. I think it almost certainly violates the First Amendment and that the Fifth Circuit’s decision to the contrary is quite wrong.

Instead, here’s what we can do: we can and should at least try to address concerns about the currently dominant platforms by using law to make it easier to have more platforms. This is, truly, the essential argument that I will make: Common carrier solutions should be targeted at the infrastructure that enables platforms to be built and to reach consumers. When we think about platforms, we usually think about the ways that users interact directly with Google or Twitter or the other services. But, in fact, myriad companies provide infrastructure and services that both enable user access and platform operation—companies that transmit data, such as the cable companies and other internet services providers that carry data, companies that host websites and platforms, and services such as website defense or payment processing that support both new and established platforms. In the past, these providers have denied services to some new platforms that sought to establish alternative services. Applying a lighter-touch (and differently placed) version of common carrier regulation to the internet’s support providers, I will seek to convince you, can increase the possibility of alternative platforms. This is our best hope to enrich our speech choices and ecosystem without government censorship.

One may read the entire lecture here, even in advance of its publication next year in the Marquette Law Review and Marquette Lawyer.

I am well familiar with the common carrier regime that Professor Speta invokes, as he explains, for inspiration (see, for example, here and here for some of my own relevant past). This Boden Lecture strikes me as a deeply important and unusually judicious contribution to the current debate, well, raging, it is not too much to say, about appropriate public policy in this internet age.

That Professor Speta deftly interweaves references to past Boden lecturers, such as Columbia’s Professor Thomas W. Merrill (2010) and UCLA’s Professor Eugene Volokh (2006), is a fine local touch. Yet his lecture merits engagement nationally.

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The Healing Impact of Restorative Justice

As a former Milwaukee County Circuit judge and Wisconsin Supreme Court justice, I have watched people try to resolve highly emotional and upsetting conflict through the legal process or by use of (social) media. For the last 25 years I have become convinced that we need to offer hurting people restorative approaches—a forum in which each person can be truly heard, and their concerns addressed while managed by experienced and sensitive facilitators/mediators to help the parties work toward healing. As a result, our Marquette Law Andrew Center for Restorative Justice provides people, neighborhoods and institutions support for transformational restorative processes.

The recent death of Queen Elizabeth has brought the Royal Family together, albeit for a somber occasion. Nevertheless, this reunion has re-surfaced conflicts that appeared dormant (at least within the American news cycle) – specifically, those related to Meghan Markle and Prince Harry. As we watch how the royal conflicts unfold, it seems that the Royal Family may benefit from restorative justice processes to begin mending their relational rifts now on public display. So, I posed a thought experiment to the students in my restorative justice class this fall: what should restorative justice within the Royal Family look like?

Students recognized location – a neutral one – as foundational to the success of any royal restorative justice endeavor. Several suggested Switzerland, because of its distance from the United Kingdom, its many secluded towns, and the country’s commitment to neutrality, peace, and refusal to involve itself in violent or pollical conflicts with other countries. Students also correctly recognized the importance of confidentiality and privacy to a restorative justice gathering of the Royal Family, especially considering the Family’s historic distaste for and disinclination towards any public airing of intra-family grievances is well known.

Finally, there comes the process, and most importantly, what to address and how to address it. Obviously there would be extensive preparation (including deep listening by the facilitators) before any gathering of family members. Practically all the students suggested dialogue as the procedural format, and that it be led by one or more experienced facilitators/mediators. After listening and talking to everyone individually or as a couple, the facilitator must work out an agenda for the first meeting. That agenda might include a discussion to the traditions of royalty and a need to maintain them as well as how those rules might govern Meghan and Harry as well as their children.  Students differed regarding which topics to address first, as well as which participants should hold the primary focal point. Some proposed that the entire family begin discussion centered on racism as its manifestation in the Royal’s Family’s treatment of Meghan Markle. Others urged a family-wide discussion focused on the treatment of in-laws in the Royal Family, while others thought that the topic should involve a discussion on addressing mental health issues. There also rose the proposal that a dialogue should begin attentive to the unique trauma of growing up in the Royal Family, and that perhaps the initial sessions be limited to King Charles III and his sons, Harry and William. Ultimately the agenda needs to be driven by the desires of the respective parties to a dialogue, with a commitment by all of confidentiality.

While any one of these procedures and topics could work for the Royal Family, what is most important is that the family members show up and open to truly hearing one another and to grappling with many of the sore truths that have historically and continually effected members of the Royal Family.  And here, the current family, led by King Charles III, may have an opportunity to shape their legacy and demonstrate profiles in leadership through dialogue and healing.

If you’re not registered, you may want to attend our October 11 ProgramThe Healing Impact of Restorative Justice: A victim mother shares her story.  And see first-hand the impact that restorative justice can have.

Continue ReadingThe Healing Impact of Restorative Justice