Remembering Conscription in the United States

On July 1, 2011, without much fanfare in the rest of the world, Germany ended its military draft.  The German military draft began in 1956 (when Cold War concerns led to its re-establishment in West Germany) and lasted for 51 years.

For American males who turned 18 between 1946 and 1972 (several of whom currently serve on the Marquette law faculty) the German action is a reminder of the powerful role that the “peace-time” military draft once played in the United States.

Because it has now been almost 40 years since the American military draft was terminated, many of the details of the draft have passed out of the American consciousness and are only hazily remembered even by those who lived through the period of the draft.  (Does anyone ever watch the 1969 Arthur Penn film Alice’s Restaurant, which revolves around a satirical treatment of what the draft did to the lives of young American males in the Age of Aquarius?)

The following is a summary of the way in which the U.S. military draft operated in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s, and how it affected the lives of those planning to attend college or graduate school.  This surveys the operation of the draft from the time of the Military Selective Service Act of 1967—which significantly revamped involuntary military service in the United States—until the termination of the draft in 1972.  The discussion below is part personal memoir and part research project.

One of the central features of the Cold War draft was the student deferment.  As long as an eligible male was enrolled in an undergraduate college, his eligibility for the draft was deferred until his studies were complete or else he had left college.  Until 1967, students who were in graduate school were deferred as well, although one of the purposes of the 1967 Act was to reduce dramatically the number of graduate programs eligible for student deferments.

Consequently, males who entered college after 1967 knew that once they had finished college—unless they enrolled in Divinity School–they would have to deal with the prospect of mandatory military service.  Although many eligible men were in fact never drafted, the escalating use of ground troops in Vietnam in the late 1960’s made it seem likely that most physically fit males would have to either submit to induction into the military, or else volunteer for some branch of the service before being drafted, or establish that one was a qualified religious conscientious objector (which normally required proof of membership in a “peace church” like the Society of Friends, the Mennonites, or the Church of the Brethren”).  The only alternatives were going to prison or leaving the country.

As a symbol of this system, all 18-year old or older males were required to carry a “draft card” that both indicated one’s draft status and doubled as a general purpose ID card.

The Military Selective Service Act of 1967, passed at the highpoint of the escalation of U.S. military involvement in Vietnam, had significantly altered the system of drafting civilians that had been in place since the years before World War II.  While it reduced the number and type of exemptions, it left the undergraduate college deferment in place, and it originally left the process of selecting draftees to local draft boards.  Previously, every local draft board was assigned a “quota” for soldiers that it had to supply to the U.S. military.  Although the quotas had to be met, except in cases of extraordinary special circumstances, the boards were normally given broad discretion when it came to choosing who would be drafted and who would not.

Although draft boards were frequently accused of favoritism in their choice of draftees, cultural icons Elvis Presley and Willie Mays were both drafted in the 1950’s, after they had become nationally well-known figures.

However, on November 26, 1969, President Richard Nixon, still in his first year in office, signed an amendment to the 1967 act which replaced the arguably arbitrary local selection system with a national draft lottery.

Under the lottery, a draft number was randomly assigned to each day of the year, and in the year they turned 19, young men were subject to call up to the military the following year.  Call ups began with those whose birthdays had assigned the lowest numbers.   (The assignment of numbers was done through the use of a lottery bin and the event was shown on national television.)

Student deferments for those attending college remained in place, but they only delayed, and only for up to four years, the year the holder became eligible to be drafted.

The first draft lottery was held on December 1, 1969, and applied only to all males eligible to be drafted under the previous system—which were those men born between January 1, 1944, and December 31, 1950. (Anyone born before 1944 had already reached age 26, which was the oldest age at which a man could be drafted under the previous system.)  The 1969 Amendment also provided that if an eligible male was not drafted the first year that he was available for the draft, he could not be drafted in a subsequent year.

This formed the primary basis of the argument that the new lottery was less disruptive to the lives of young men because it reduced the period of uncertainty as to whether or not one would be drafted from seven years (ages 19 to 26) to a single year (the year one turned 19).  While this was technically true, those who held student deferments had to worry about their draft status all the way thorough college and for the following year.

In 1970, it was generally assumed that the need for troops might require the federal government to go as high as #215 in the draft, but was unlikely to go any higher.  Consequently, anyone with a number above #215 could decline to apply for a deferment and take the very small risk of being drafted.  For those with #366, there was absolutely no risk at all, short of the outbreak of a major war with the Soviet Union.  Those with low numbers could be certain that they would be drafted when or if they lost their student deferment.

The second drawing, affecting those born in 1951, was held on July 1, 1970, after the conclusion of the freshman year of college of most of that group that had enrolled in college.  However, most of the students who began college in the fall of 1970, were, like myself, born in 1952.  We were eligible for student deferments, but had to wait until the following summer to know our real draft status.

By 1970, the future status of the draft was a matter of much debate and significant uncertainty.  Richard Nixon had called for a phase-out of the draft during the 1968 presidential campaign, and there were frequent rumors throughout his first term that the ever increasing troop withdrawals from Southeast Asia were a prerequisite to the draft’s abolition.  Consequently, one could always hope that the draft might be abolished while one’s student deferments were still in effect.

On the other hand, there were also persistent rumors that Congress might end student deferments—a frequently articulated “fairness” argument said that it should—so, on the assumption that the repeal would not be retroactive, almost everyone born in 1952 and in college in the fall of 1970 requested a student deferment, even though they would not be eligible to be drafted until 1972.

The draft lottery for those born in 1952 was not held until August 5, 1971, a month or so before the beginning of the 1971-72 academic year at most colleges.  I pulled a #81, which was almost surely in the “likely to be drafted range,” had I not had my deferment.

The Nixon Administration’s dramatic reduction in the number of ground troops in Southeast Asia in 1969 and 1970—which accompanied an expanded use of bombing of enemy territories—reduced the need for soldiers, and in 1970, the pool of those actually drafted reached only #195, short of the predicted #215.  The following year (1971), only those with numbers of 125 or lower were drafted.  In what would have been the draft year for most of us—1972—eligible males with numbers of 95 or lower were called up for physicals and most were drafted.  (I am sure that at #81 I would would have been called, because my one of my high school friends, whose number was #84, was drafted after dropping/flunking out of Virginia Tech the year before.)  However, because of my still-valid student deferment, I was not drafted in 1972.

But before anyone was drafted in 1973, further changes in the system occurred.  In September, 1971, when the draft was renewed for an additional two years after months of acrimonious debate in Congress, all future student deferments were eliminated (except for those for divinity students).  I believe that this applied only to new, first-time registrants, but that was not very clear at the time.  However, the issue ultimately proved moot.  No one with a number higher than #10 was called up for physicals in 1973, and on January 27, 1973, Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird announced that the United States was abandoning the military draft for the indefinite future and would instead rely on an all volunteer force.

Looking back on it, this announcement produced a massive sigh of relief among college males, and almost immediately the abolition of the draft took the wind out of the sails of the anti-Vietnam War movement at Oberlin (where I was a student) and elsewhere.

Although draft lotteries were held in 1973, 1974, and 1975, the draft was never reinstated, and men in their early 20’s approach their futures with a degree of occupational freedom that few had anticipated at the beginning of the decade.

An aspect of the Vietnam era draft that was confusing then, and continuing to be now, is that there was a preliminary stage to the draft, that was known as “getting called up for a physical.”  To expedite the process, eligible males who were deemed likely to be drafted were ordered to report for a preliminary physical that was used to determine who was physically eligible for service and who was not.

Normally, someone called up for a physical who was certified as physically fit for the draft assumed that they would be drafted during the following few months.  Generally, this was the case, but it was not always true.  Many enlisted in the Air Force, or some less dangerous branch of the service, once they were called up for, and passed, an army physical.  Some, of course, failed the physical.  However, every year there were some who got called for a physical, passed it, but then saw the year pass without actually being drafted.

Because the number of men drafted fell below the predicted number every year from 1969 and 1973, there were always males with border-line numbers who got called up for physicals but who were never actually called up to active duty.  Also, and I don’t really understand why this happened, there were times when males with valid student deferments got called for physicals, even though they were not actually subject to the draft.  This may have been a function of local draft boards having difficulty figuring out the new system.  Nevertheless, the receipt of a letter in the mail ordering one to report for a military physical was a traumatic event, even for those who felt certain that they were not currently eligible to be drafted.

As the father of a son starting college this year, I am especially thankful that he doesn’t have to deal with the anxieties that were commonplace forty to fifty years ago when baby-boomer males were in college.

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Was There Really a Professional Baseball Team Called the Confederate Yankees?

In the history of American sports team names, few names can match the bizarre quality of the Columbus, Georgia “Confederate Yankees” who played in the AA Southern League from 1964 to 1966.  The image of future black major leaguer star Roy White wearing a Confederate flag patch on his minor league uniform sleeve is jarring, even to someone familiar with the uncomfortable history of race and minor league baseball.  The Los Angeles-born White played for Columbus in 1964 and 1965, and his photo is set out below:

http://www.flickr.com/photos/65516705@N00/sets/72157627090971574/detail/

But was there really a team officially named the Columbus Confederate Yankees?  Would the image-conscious New York Yankees really allow one of their affiliates to have the word “Confederate” as part of its team name at the high point of the Civil Rights Movement?  Although the Yankees had originally resisted integrating their roster, by 1964, the team included a number of black players like Elston Howard, Hector Lopez, Al Downing, Marshall Bridges, Elvio Jimenez, and Pedro Gonzalez.

It turns out that there was such a team in Columbus, Georgia; the players did wear Confederate flag arm patches; but the team was never officially named the Confederate Yankees or Confederate-anything else.

My research in the Google, Proquest, and NewspaperArchive.com databases leads me to conclude that the team’s official name was always the Columbus Yankees.  The vast majority of newspaper references refer to the team simply as the Yankees, as does the Encyclopedia of Minor League Baseball, which is generally careful in such matters.  (The Encyclopedia identifies the team name as Yankees for all three of its seasons.)

The Story

In 1963, the Yankees’ only AA farm team was the Augusta (Ga.) Yankees of the South Atlantic League.  However, in the following off-season, the South Atlantic League was renamed the Southern League, and the Yankees’ AA team was relocated across the state from Augusta to Columbus.

On May 4, 1964, several weeks after the start of the Southern League season, the Rock Hill (S.C.) Herald reprinted an article from the Atlanta Journal which reported: “The new Columbus ball club is called the Columbus Yankees.”   All other sources confirm that the team’s name was just the Yankees.

Where then did the name “Columbus Confederate Yankees” come from?  The uniforms worn by the new team were identical to those of the New York Yankees, except that a “C” rather than an “N” was inter-locked with a “Y.”  The new owners in Columbus apparently decided that adding a Confederate flag patch to their players’ uniform sleeves would work to enhance their local identity and counteract any negative implications that the word “Yankees” might have for the white fans of Columbus, Georgia.  It was this patch, along with the fact that a Confederate flag was flown inside the Columbus ballpark on game days, that apparently prompted fans and other observers to start calling the team, the “Confederate Yankees.”

It is not clear who coined this unofficial nickname, but baseball fans both in Columbus, Georgia and elsewhere were apparently amused by the oxymoronic sound of “Confederate Yankees” and enjoyed repeating it.  The label caught on with a handful of sportswriters as well.  For example, the May 1965 issue of Baseball Digest referred to Columbus player Ike Futch–who struck out only 9 times in two full AA seasons–as a leading hitter for the “Confederate Yankees.”  However, an August 1966 entry in the same magazine indicated that the name “Confederate Yankees” had been attached to the team by its southern white fans, who were uncomfortable rooting for a team called the Yankees, even if it was the home team.  Subsequent histories of the Southern League have mentioned the name in passing, but none provide any evidence that “Confederate Yankees” was ever adopted as the team’s official nickname.

Concern about the appeal of a team called the Yankees in south-central Georgia during the highpoint of the Civil War Centennial and the African-American Civil Rights Movement may well have motivated the decision to add the Stars and Bars to the Columbus Yankee uniforms.  The poor performance of the predecessors of the Columbus team, the Augusta Yankees of 1962 and 1963 South Atlantic League, seems to lend some credibility to this interpretation.

Fans of that Augusta team were notorious for not showing up at the ballpark.  In 1962, Augusta drew a league low season total of 39,476 fans (an average of just under 564 per game).  It repeated the accomplishment the next year when only 41,813 (606 per game) showed up, even though the Augusta Yankees won the league’s first half championship and triumphed in the post-season championship play-off.  Even though the 1963 team also featured ten future major league players on its roster, the citizenry of Augusta, who had been without professional baseball since 1958, seemed indifferent to the team’s presence.

At the end of the season, the disgruntled Yankees cancelled their affiliation with Augusta, causing the team to withdraw from the league.  Its place in the newly renamed Southern League was filled by a new franchise awarded to owners from Columbus, Georgia.  The new team quickly reached an agreement to be the Yankees AA farm team for the 1964 season.

When the new Columbus team entered into an agreement with the Yankees, it apparently had no choice other than keep using the name Yankees.  In the Yankee farm system in 1964, only AAA Richmond used its own distinctive nickname (the Richmond Virginians).  All of the other teams, no matter where they were located, were called the Yankees.  (To what extent this was forced on the teams by the Yankees is unclear.  However, this practice was not unique to the Yankees in the 1960’s, and was consistent with the widely shared belief in that decade that the best way to market minor league baseball was as providing fans in the hinterlands with an opportunity to see the major league stars of tomorrow today.)

If the new owners believed that the name Yankees had adversely affected the appeal of the team when it played in Augusta, they may have thought that the explicit use of Confederate iconography might provide a counter balance for concerned fans.

As it turned out, the Confederate flag patch may have done the trick.  Although Columbus was only slightly larger than Augusta (with a county population of 159,000 in 1960, compared to 136,000 for Augusta), the Columbus Yankees drew much better in 1964 than Augusta had in 1963, even though the team was not nearly as good.  Columbus finished the 1964 season with a losing record and tied for next to last place in the Southern League, but it nevertheless attracted 67,117 fans, good for third best in the league.  In 1965, the team finished in first place by a microscopic .001 percentage points, besting Asheville in one of the closest pennant races in minor league history. It also drew a league-leading 72,732 fans in spite of playing only 138 of 140 scheduled games.

However, the magic began to wear off in 1966, as the team tumbled back to 7th place, and attendance dropped to 48,847, still good enough for 4th place in the 8-team league, but apparently not enough to turn a profit.  Shortly after the end of the 1966 season, the Columbus owners withdrew from their working agreement with the Yankees and folded the team.

However, rather than blame their slumping attendance on the unpopularity of the name Yankees, the Columbus owners and their supports in 1966 pointed their fingers at the major league Atlanta Braves, just that year relocated to Atlanta from Milwaukee.  Most of the Southern League owners apparently felt that the league’s slumping attendance was the result of minor league fans deciding to stay home and watch their region’s first major league team play on television.

After losing their Columbus affiliate, the Yankees entered into a new agreement for a AA club with Binghamton, New York, which joined an expanded Eastern League in 1967.  The Southern League survived, but only as a six-team league with no team in Columbus, Georgia.

The question of whether the “Yankee” name adversely affected minor league baseball attendance in the South in the early 1960’s is an interesting question.  In 1964, the Yankees were on their way to their fifth straight American League championship and their 14th title in 16 years.  That year their farm system contained seven teams, all of which were located in former Confederate states:  Richmond, Va. (AAA); Columbus, Ga. (AA); Greensboro, N.C. (A); Ft. Lauderdale, Fla. (A); Shelby, N.C. (A); Johnson City, Tenn. (R); and Sarasota, Fla. (R).  That same year, the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and a continuing stream of anti-segregationist United States Supreme Court decisions had convinced many white southerners that “Yankees” were destroying their way of life.  Three years later only the teams in Greensboro, Ft. Lauderdale (hardly a Deep South community), and Johnson City (in the southern mountains) remained part of the Yankee farm system.  In the place of Richmond, Columbus, Shelby, and Sarasota were Syracuse, Binghamton, and Oneonta, New York.  (The total number of farm teams had been reduced from seven to six.)

In addition to the situation regarding Augusta and Columbus, the Yankee name may have been something of a liability in Shelby, North Carolina.  In 1962, Shelby was an independent team in the four-team Class D Western Carolina League.  (It did appear to have some connections to the Yankees as its best young player, future major league outfielder Steve Whitaker, was under contract to the Bronx Bombers.)  Playing under the name Colonels, it finished last and drew only 14,753 fans in a 100 game regular season, an average of 300 per game.

In 1963, the Western Carolina League was renamed the Western Carolinas (plural) League and as part of the reorganization of minor league baseball was reclassified as a Class A league.  The number of teams in the league was doubled to eight; the season was expanded to 126 games; and each team was affiliated to one degree or another with a major league organization.  The Colonels became an affiliate of the Yankees, but played under their old name.  The team again finished in last place with an even lower winning percentage than the previous year.  Even so, attendance figures improved fairly dramatically to 34,324, an average of 563 fans per game, which while still the worst in the league was considerably better than in 1962.

In 1964, Shelby adopted the name Yankees and rose to heights of sixth place.  In spite of their improved play, the team’s attendance rose only to 34,620.  Apparently convinced that it might do better under a different name, it received permission to change its name for 1965 to Rebels, thus going from Yankees to Rebels in consecutive seasons.

The Shelby Rebels got off to a good start, and on July 7, they were alone in first place.  However, the team’s play fell of considerably after that, and it again ended the season in 6th place.  Even worse, its attendance dropped to a league worst 22,876, and after the end of the season, the Colonels/Yankees/Rebels disappeared from Organized Baseball.  The New York team did not even bother to seek out a replacement for the Shelby club in 1966.

Of course, there were reasons other than the objectionable nature of the team name that might explain why the New York organization may have pulled away from an all-Southern farm system in the mid-1960’s.  First of all, the Yankees did not own most of their farm teams, and when the owners of the Richmond Virginians sold their team to a group from Toledo, the Yankees had no way to block the sale.  The Yankees did not pull out of Richmond; the Richmond owners did.  Toledo became the AAA Yankee affiliate until 1967, when the AAA affiliation was switched to Syracuse.

Also contributing to the dispersion was that fact that the market for minor league baseball in the South had begun to shrink, especially in Georgia, after the arrival of the Braves.  The lack of major league teams in the region had, along with the weather, made the South a prime area minor league baseball in the 1950’s and early 1960’s, but that was beginning to change.  Moreover, there were obvious savings to be had if a major league team’s minor league affiliates were located closer to the major league team (as were the three New York state affiliates in 1967).

Moreover, the practice of having multiple Southern-based minor league teams called the Yankees really only began after 1960.  The first such team was Greensboro of the Carolina League, which had previously been a Boston Red Sox farm team known as the Patriots.  When the team switched its affiliation to New York in 1958, it adopted the name “Yankees” (and thus became the first potential “Confederate Yankees”).    Playing with the name Yankees did not appear to be a handicap in Greensboro which finished in the top half of Carolina League attendance four times between 1958 and 1964 (and led the league twice).  The next two southern Yankee teams were Augusta and Ft. Lauderdale, both of which appeared in 1962.  In 1963, they were joined by the Harlan, Ky. Yankees who were replaced the following year by the Johnson City Yankees.  In 1964, they were joined by the Shelby, N.C. and Sarasota, Fla. Yankees, bringing the total to six.

Finally, by 1967, the Yankees mystique was considerably tarnished.  The major league Yankees had already slumped to last place in the American League in 1966, and there was little reason to believe that would return to the top any time soon.  The Bronx Bombers were hardly the symbol of dominant force that they had been a few years earlier, so the appeal of seeing the Yankee minor leaguers was not what it once had been.

Images of the confederate flag on the sleeves of black Yankee farmhands like Roy White and Elvio Jimenez (who played for Columbus after appearing with the Yankees in 1964) are a poignant reminder of the complex history of race and minor league baseball, but the problems that plagued the minor league Yankees in cities like Augusta, Columbus, and Shelby probably had more to do with the shaky economic foundation, and limited appeal, of minor league baseball in the 1960’s than it did with matters of race and regional bias.

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Eckstein Hall Opened One Year Ago

Yesterday (July 6) marked the one-year anniversary of the opening of Eckstein Hall. The very first class in the new building was American Legal History which first met in Room 257 at 7:30 a.m. on Tuesday, July 6, 2010. To reach the classroom in the not-quite-finished building, the 17 students and their instructor had to dodge rolls of carpet and electrical wire, cans of paint, and assorted construction debris. Everyone was also required to immediately leave the building immediately after the conclusion of the class.

The class was taught by me. Its members included April Ashby, Margaret Bach, Heather Berlinski, Carolyn Carrico, Nicholas Deml, Jeremy Hager, Stephanie Kebler, Matt Lien, Anthony Meyer, Andrew Mongin, Christina Putman, Francisco Saa, Jon Seaman, Timothy Shortess, Richard Sienkewicz, Charles Szafir, and Ian Thomson.

For two of the students, it was their final class in law school.

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