Has The Supreme Court Declared Victory for the Moles?

In a recent piece in the Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy, I say – as has at least one other commentator –  that  campaign finance reform is like a never ending game of Whack-A-Mole. Hit one and another one pops up. Stop money here and it flows over there.

On the day that the United States Supreme Court decided District of Columbia v. Heller, I wrote on my personal blog that Heller was not the most important decision of the day. I thought that honor belonged to FEC v. Davis, a decision that struck down the “millionaire’s amendment” in the “McCain-Feingold” Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act, a provision that raised contribution limits for candidates facing wealthy self-financed opponents. Davis made it clear that a majority of the Court rejected “equalization” as a rationale for the regulation of election related speech. It was my view that this would lead to the invalidation of the provision of “rescue funds” (additional money provided in response to higher levels of spending by privately financed candidates or independent groups) in public financing schemes, a position which I developed more fully in the Harvard JLPP piece.

That shoe has not yet dropped, but a size 14  flowing from the same doctrinal position did drop this morning in Citizens United v. FEC.

Continue ReadingHas The Supreme Court Declared Victory for the Moles?

Campaign Finance Revolution

Yesterday, I told my students in Election Law that longstanding assumptions about campaign finance regulation might be turned upside down today. That appears to have happened. In a special session, the United States Supreme Court just issued its decision in Citizens United v. FEC, and it has apparently overruled prior cases upholding the use of corporate treasury funds for express advocacy of the election and defeat of candidates. More later.

Continue ReadingCampaign Finance Revolution

The Wages of Speech

thumbnailCAJKLY1BApparently, the Wisconsin Supreme Court is not the only one sharply divided on an array of issues and fighting over questions of recusal. In Michigan, the Supreme Court voted 4-3 to require that individual justices who have denied a motion to recuse themselves explain the reason in writing and to permit the Court to overrule the refusal to step aside. A Detroit Free Press columnist says that the Michigan court has been characterized by “back-biting, name-calling and playground-level cruelty” and adoption of the rule did draw sharply worded dissents. Sound familar?

Locally, there appears to be a concerted effort (spurred, in part, by an internal memo circulated within the State Public Defender’s office) to seek the recusal of Justice Michael Gableman in a number of criminal cases because he has allegedly expressed a general bias against criminal defendants. Justice Gableman has refused to step aside (the rationale for the motions would apply in every criminal case), and it is unclear whether the Court can compel him to do so.

I think the controversy raises some interesting questions about the interaction between campaign speech and recusal. I am writing a paper on the topic and thought I’d test drive a few of the arguments here as applied to our local controversy.

Continue ReadingThe Wages of Speech