Rural America and Rural Wisconsin: Legal Deserts, or Less So?

During the past twenty years, the American Bar Association and many state bars have repeatedly proclaimed there to be an acute shortage of lawyers in rural America. A grim picture is painted of “legal deserts”: rural counties beset by a shrinking population of lawyers (in some cases, no lawyers at all) and a widespread reluctance of younger lawyers to forgo the attractions of urban life in order to fill the gap. The argument is that the shortage threatens access to justice and even basic respect for the rule of law in much of the nation.

Counties with Five or Fewer Lawyers, 2020
(generated from a template provided courtesy of mapchart.org)Five or Fewer Lawyers

On such premises, since 2008, nearly half of all states, including Wisconsin, have created rural lawyer recruitment (RLR) programs. These RLR programs variously provide stipends, student loan repayment subsidies, and government legal positions for lawyers willing to commit to rural practice for a set period of time; stipends for students willing to intern with rural lawyers; and support and training for rural practice. Yet to date, most RLR programs have been based on incomplete analysis and ad hoc solutions.

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New Controversies in Wisconsin Administrative Law

Administrative law is enjoying a moment in the sun. Take, for example, the attention recently paid to the subject by the United States Supreme Court, which in a series of opinions (Loper Bright, Corner Post, andJarkesy) marked out a new path forward with respect to important aspects of federal administrative law. This post concerns noteworthy developments in the same field in Wisconsin. At both the federal and state levels, it has become clear that modern administrative law cases often involve disputes over very significant and substantive regulatory power, even when cloaked in what may seem to be procedural minutiae.

in recent years. I explored the topic in a series of writings, beginning in September 2017 with a post titled “The Quiet Revolution in Wisconsin Administrative Law.” My purpose was to point out what I perceived as a significant makeover in longstanding principles of administrative law in the state, shifting power away from agencies and toward courts and the legislature. Eight years have passed since then, and while the ground has certainly shifted, the fundamental questions remain the same, relating to the uneasy balance of power between Wisconsin agencies, the Wisconsin state legislature, and Wisconsin courts.

The Wisconsin Supreme Court has twice acted to counter the trends I noted in the original post, restoring some of the discretion Wisconsin agencies historically enjoyed. First, as I described in a 2021 post, the court decided two cases (both captioned Clean Wisconsin v. Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources (2021 WI 71 and 2021 WI 72wi)) to address the scope of Wis. Stat. § 227.10(2m). That statute provides that no agency may implement any “standard,” “requirement,” or permit condition unless the condition has been “explicitly required or explicitly permitted’ by statute or by rule. The Clean Wisconsin cases turned on a question of statutory interpretation: whether “explicit” means “specific,” in other words, whether under § 227.10(2m) the agency’s contested authority must be spelled out via “literal enumeration or verbatim mention” of the conditions in a statute or rule, or whether the authority must simply be “expressly conferred and clear.”

The court concluded that even when no statute or rule spells out verbatim the agency’s authority to impose certain disputed permit conditions, an agency “may rely upon a grant of authority that is explicit but broad when undertaking agency action.” Such broad grants of authority, the court found, comply with the requirements of § 227.10(2m). For example, statutes conferring on the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources (WDNR) “general supervision and control over the waters of the state” and all “necessary powers” to protect the waters of the state, provided sufficiently “explicit” authority for WDNR to impose specific conditions related to groundwater monitoring on a permitted well.

Most recently, this summer the Wisconsin Supreme Court issued its opinion in Evers v. Marklein II, striking down the authority to pause, object to, or suspend administrative rules held by the powerful legislative Joint Committee for Review of Administrative Rules (JCRAR). This was another power shift that I discussed in my 2017 post. The basis for the court’s new ruling was a rather technical matter: JCRAR’s authority to block, suspend, and object to administrative rules was tantamount to legislative action, and therefore failed the constitutional requirements of bicameralism (a bill must pass both houses) and presentment (the bill must be provided to the governor for signature). Technical grounds notwithstanding, Evers v. Marklein II appeared to significantly reduce the legislature’s power to check agency action.

But rather than putting things to rest, the ruling touched off a new round of political maneuvering. First, Democratic Governor Tony Evers sought to finalize a set of new administrative rules without first submitting them to the JCRAR, citing the court’s opinion. Republican leaders responded with a plan to order the Legislative Reference Bureau not to publish any rules prior to review by legislative standing committees, arguing that the court’s opinion removing some authority from the JCRAR did not eliminate review of administrative rules by standing committees. The LRB director agreed, telling a media outlet that “If [the Joint Committee on Legislative Organization] so directs, the LRB will not finalize or publish any proposed administrative rules that have not completed standing committee review.” Many of the rules – which concern various aspects of important state policies – remain in limbo for now.

While the debate over the authority of Wisconsin administrative agencies currently pits the Republican legislature against the Democratic executive, there is always the possibility that those positions could be reversed in the future – just as has happened at the federal level, with a Republican-led EPA now seeking to impose the most ambitious deregulatory agenda in history. For that reason alone, this delicate balance of authority should be examined on more than partisan political terms.

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Examining the “System” in Criminal Justice Reform, Part 2: Measuring Justice with Primitive Scales

Wayne McKenzie
Wayne McKenzie

In my immediate previous post, I highlighted some of the motivating inspirations for creating a particular platform in 2007: the Milwaukee County Community Justice Council. The desire was to examine our criminal justice system and to invite external partnerships to help us identify efforts from different systems that might help inform our desire to improve the Milwaukee “product” of justice.

Hidden in the request for help was a perhaps naive presumption that some system somewhere was “doing justice the right way”—such that our need was to discover it, adopt or adapt it, and make it our own. The reality in 2007 (and today) is that there are approximately 2,330 state-level criminal justice systems representing diverse populations and operating in myriad legal and cultural systems sometimes very different from Milwaukee. All are presumably trying in good faith to justly serve their particular communities. And while many of the dynamics of “the criminal justice system” are similar everywhere in the United States, you will find important nuances just by traveling outside your home county.

In all events, given the complexity and deeply structural challenges of the American legal system, how do you objectively identify a problem in your ecosystem, assess what might fix the problem, implement a reform, measure the impact of the effort, and then demonstrate a narrative of progress? Such a process comes with abundant loaded assumptions, each one challenging enough to derail any effort at reform (which helps explain why so few jurisdictions even try).

But perhaps the biggest issue confronting reform-minded practitioners can be distilled to this essence: the challenge of adequately and accurately capturing meaningful data.

Unifying all criminal justice systems in the past and no less in the present are grossly inadequate information management systems combined with sparse analytical capacity. One of the guiding principles adopted early in the Milwaukee reform process is captured by the phrase “You can’t effectively change what you don’t effectively measure,” and while the information collection process has been revolutionized in a short time, effective analysis remains a challenge to most systems.

The Milwaukee County justice ecosystem circa 2006 was predominately an analog, paper-based system. If you practiced criminal law in the 1960s and returned for a day as late as 2010, you would still recognize all the processes and procedures required to represent a client or prosecute a case. Data and information processing systems (including software at the later date) were a hodgepodge of commercial and proprietary products, with the police departments, sheriff’s office, prosecutors, courts, and corrections system all using different means to capture and store the information needed in their respective sphere, but rarely with any interoperability with other agencies. In a pre-Cloud, pre-AI world, a researcher needed to physically enter the space where the work unfolded to even attempt to capture data, and nonetheless he or she would be disappointed in the quality of the information.

Despite the obstacles, in 2005 the Milwaukee County District Attorney’s Office opened itself to outside, independent researchers. This occurred when the Vera Institute of Justice reached out and asked to be allowed to enter the complicated and risk-averse space of the elected prosecutor. It did so on a topic that was and is considered a third rail of police and prosecution controversy: race.

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