The Changing Federal and Wisconsin Law of Judicial Deference to Administrative Agencies

The matter of judicial deference to administrative agencies’ interpretations of law has seen notable developments both in Wisconsin and at the federal level in recent years. James B. Speta, the Elizabeth Froehling Horner professor at Northwestern University’s Pritzker School of Law, recently participated in a panel on the topic at the State Bar of Wisconsin’s Annual Meeting and Convention and developed his remarks into this guest post appearing on the Marquette Law School Faculty Blog on October 1, 2025.

Very near the end of its term last year, on June 28, 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court handed down one of its most significant administrative law decisions ever. Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo (2024) overruled one of the Court’s own precedents, which it had relied upon for 40 years in more than a hundred decisions and which had been cited in nearly 20,000 lower court decisions. Yet not only was Loper Bright not a great surprise in federal administrative law, but it was in many ways anticipated by a decision issued by the Wisconsin Supreme Court interpreting that state’s administrative law six years earlier, Tetra Tech EC, Inc. v. Wisconsin Department of Revenue (2018).

Continue ReadingThe Changing Federal and Wisconsin Law of Judicial Deference to Administrative Agencies

Wisconsin Supreme Court Confirms DNR’s Power to Enforce the Spills Law Amid Increasing Citizen Concerns Over PFAS

The latest edition of the Marquette Law School Poll revealed that 79 percent of registered Wisconsin voters are very or somewhat concerned about a class of emerging contaminants known as PFAS, often called the “forever chemicals,” in their water supply. PFAS have been used across a broad spectrum of commercial applications from firefighting foam to food packaging. They were prized for their resistance to breaking down; ironically, that trait has caused part of the problem, as PFAS are now present throughout the environment.

More recently, scientists have determined that PFAS cause a variety of serious adverse health effects including cancer. Significant quantities of PFAS have been detected in numerous Wisconsin public water distribution networks and private wells. The poll results show that Wisconsinites’ level of concern about PFAS has increased ten percent from last year, and twenty percent over 2022, when the question first appeared in the poll. When the sample is confined to those who have heard about PFAS in their community, a full 90% are very or somewhat concerned about PFAS.

Meanwhile, late last month the Wisconsin Supreme Court sided with the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources in a dispute over the extent of the DNR’s authority to require responsible parties to clean up releases of PFAS and other emerging contaminants under the state’s “Spills Law,” Wis. Stat. s. 292.11. At its core, the Spills Law requires a person who causes the discharge of a “hazardous substance” (or who possesses or controls a hazardous substance that has been discharged) to notify WDNR of the spill and then to “take the actions necessary to restore the environment”—a potentially time-consuming and expensive process.

We have known for a long time that some substances, such as PCBs, are “hazardous.” But others, such as PFAS, have lurked unknown or undetectable until very recently, hence the name “emerging contaminants.” The statute does not enumerate which “substances” are “hazardous.” Instead, it broadly defines the term to include anything that causes a substantial threat to human health or the environment. Historically, the DNR enjoyed considerable flexibility in determining what qualifies as a “hazardous substance” on an ad hoc basis, sometimes even construing it to include everyday substances (milk, for example, when released in sufficient quantities to sensitive receiving waters).

The central question in the case decided in June, Wisconsin Manufacturers and Commerce, Inc. et al. v. Wisconsin Natural Resources Board, et al., arose over whether WDNR could continue to determine “hazardous substances” on a case-by-case basis, or whether it had to engage in administrative rulemaking to create a list identifying which substances it considered hazardous, and at what quantities or concentrations in the environment. The rulemaking process is lengthy and often controversial, so a decision against DNR would have posed substantial challenges for it, potentially eliminating its ability to respond in real time to spills of emerging contaminants. On the other hand, a list of hazardous substances would provide predictability and certainty to parties responsible for cleanups under the Spills Law. Both the trial court and the court of appeals ruled against DNR and would have required the agency to create the list. The agency would presumably also have had to revise the list via rulemaking whenever it wanted to add a new “emerging contaminant,” a difficult task when considering that PFAS are not a single chemical compound but rather a generalized term for a class of thousands of slightly different substances.

The supreme court reversed, holding in DNR’s favor that the agency could continue its practice of determining whether a release involved a “hazardous substance” based on the individual circumstances of each case. The court held that the statute’s “broad and open-ended” definition of “hazardous substance” is cabined by the requirement that the substance significantly increase mortality or contribute to serious illness in humans, or that it may pose a substantial hazard to human health or the environment.

The court also found no definitional rulemaking requirement in the plain text of the statute, despite the Legislature’s inclusion of such a requirement in other provisions of the Spills Law. In considering how the Spills Law works, context is important, the court observed: “a gallon of milk spilled into Lake Michigan may not ‘pose a substantial present or potential hazard to human health or the environment,’ but a 500-gallon tank of beer or milk discharged into a trout stream might well pose [such a hazard] to the stream’s fish and environment.” Thus, the court thought it was important for DNR to retain some flexibility in interpreting the statute.

Moreover, the court held the DNR’s interpretation did not violate Wis. Stat. s. 227.10(2m), a provision that I have blogged about before. It requires “explicit” statutory or regulatory authority for an agency to “implement or enforce any standard, requirement, or threshold.” The court reiterated its holding in the Clean Wisconsin cases that the statute  “may be satisfied by a grant of authority that is explicit but broad.” The requisite authority was present in the Spills Law itself, the court found.

The court’s affirmation of DNR’s authority to require responsible parties to remediate spills of emerging contaminants such as PFAS on a case-by-case basis is, no doubt, a victory for the agency. It allows DNR to require cleanup for spills not only of PFAS but of any other emerging contaminant that comes along in the future. But it also likely provides some comfort to the 79 percent of Wisconsinites who are concerned about PFAS entering their water supply.

Read the Wisconsin Supreme Court’s opinion here.

Continue ReadingWisconsin Supreme Court Confirms DNR’s Power to Enforce the Spills Law Amid Increasing Citizen Concerns Over PFAS

With Many Voters Still Undecided, Videos of Lubar Center “Get to Know” Programs of Supreme Court Candidates Can Help

Seal of the Supreme Court of WisconsinA problem, before a solution: The problem is that a large number of registered voters in Wisconsin do not know enough about or do not have an opinion of the two candidates running in the April 1 election for a seat on Wisconsin’s Supreme Court. Results of the Marquette Law School Poll released on March 5 found that 38 percent of voters do not have an opinion about Brad Schimel, former Wisconsin attorney general and now a Waukesha County circuit judge, and 58 percent do not have an opinion about Susan Crawford, a Dane County circuit judge. The two are squaring off in what some commentators have called the most important election underway currently in the United States.

One of the current justices, Ann Walsh Bradley, is retiring after 30 years of serving on the court. That means that the outcome of the formally nonpartisan race between Crawford, who is strongly backed by Democrats, and Schimel, who is strongly backed by Republicans, is regarded as likely to have decisive impact on several major upcoming cases before the court. Yet, with election day approaching quickly, the candidates have not established their identity with many voters.

The solution is two “Get to Know” programs at Marquette Law School, hosted by Derek Mosley, director of the Lubar Center for Public Policy Research and Civic Education, in which Crawford and Schimel talked about who they are and what they stand for. The public conversations, on February 18 with Schimel and Feb. 28 with Crawford, provide good looks at the candidates in a format that is welcoming. And each is available online (see links at the end of this post).

Both candidates talked about their personal stories. Schimel was born in West Allis, grew up mostly in Waukesha County, and was a long-time prosecutor in Waukesha County, including a run as district attorney. Then he was elected Wisconsin attorney general, serving 2015–2019. Crawford grew up in Chippewa Falls. She was hired by Jim Doyle, then the attorney general of Wisconsin, to work in the state justice department and subsequently worked as a lawyer for the state Department of Corrections and the Department of Natural Resources before becoming chief legal counsel to Doyle while he was governor. She also was in private practice as a civil litigator before becoming a judge in 2018.

Mosley asked Schimel why he was running for the Supreme Court. “I watched what happened in 2023,” he said, when Judge Janet Protasiewicz defeated former Supreme Court Justice Daniel Kelly in the most expensive judicial race in American history. That swung the balance of the court to the side widely considered more liberal and led to rulings such as reopening work on legislative district boundaries in Wisconsin. Schimel said that Protasiewicz gave her opinion of some legal issues during the campaign. He said that justices need to have an open mind on issues “until the last word is said.” He described himself as “a judicial conservative” and said that, for a justice, “the foundation of what you do is you don’t make law.”

In her conversation with Mosley, Crawford said that “My judicial philosophy is pragmatism” and that, as a judge, her goal is to apply the law fairly and impartially. “I don’t look at judicial issues as abstract principles,” she said. She said her broad experience in many areas of the law makes her “exceptionally well qualified” to serve on the Supreme Court. “I’m running to be a fair and impartial justice on the Supreme Court,” she said.

At a time when large numbers of registered voters say they don’t know enough about either of the candidates, the “Get to Know” label for a series of Lubar Center programs is particularly apt. The one-hour video of the Feb. 18 conversation with Judge Schimel may be viewed by clicking here. The one-hour video of the Feb. 28 conversation with Judge Crawford may be viewed by clicking here.

Continue ReadingWith Many Voters Still Undecided, Videos of Lubar Center “Get to Know” Programs of Supreme Court Candidates Can Help