Examining the “System” in Criminal Justice Reform, Part 2: Measuring Justice with Primitive Scales

Wayne McKenzie
Wayne McKenzie

In my immediate previous post, I highlighted some of the motivating inspirations for creating a particular platform in 2007: the Milwaukee County Community Justice Council. The desire was to examine our criminal justice system and to invite external partnerships to help us identify efforts from different systems that might help inform our desire to improve the Milwaukee “product” of justice.

Hidden in the request for help was a perhaps naive presumption that some system somewhere was “doing justice the right way”—such that our need was to discover it, adopt or adapt it, and make it our own. The reality in 2007 (and today) is that there are approximately 2,330 state-level criminal justice systems representing diverse populations and operating in myriad legal and cultural systems sometimes very different from Milwaukee. All are presumably trying in good faith to justly serve their particular communities. And while many of the dynamics of “the criminal justice system” are similar everywhere in the United States, you will find important nuances just by traveling outside your home county.

In all events, given the complexity and deeply structural challenges of the American legal system, how do you objectively identify a problem in your ecosystem, assess what might fix the problem, implement a reform, measure the impact of the effort, and then demonstrate a narrative of progress? Such a process comes with abundant loaded assumptions, each one challenging enough to derail any effort at reform (which helps explain why so few jurisdictions even try).

But perhaps the biggest issue confronting reform-minded practitioners can be distilled to this essence: the challenge of adequately and accurately capturing meaningful data.

Unifying all criminal justice systems in the past and no less in the present are grossly inadequate information management systems combined with sparse analytical capacity. One of the guiding principles adopted early in the Milwaukee reform process is captured by the phrase “You can’t effectively change what you don’t effectively measure,” and while the information collection process has been revolutionized in a short time, effective analysis remains a challenge to most systems.

The Milwaukee County justice ecosystem circa 2006 was predominately an analog, paper-based system. If you practiced criminal law in the 1960s and returned for a day as late as 2010, you would still recognize all the processes and procedures required to represent a client or prosecute a case. Data and information processing systems (including software at the later date) were a hodgepodge of commercial and proprietary products, with the police departments, sheriff’s office, prosecutors, courts, and corrections system all using different means to capture and store the information needed in their respective sphere, but rarely with any interoperability with other agencies. In a pre-Cloud, pre-AI world, a researcher needed to physically enter the space where the work unfolded to even attempt to capture data, and nonetheless he or she would be disappointed in the quality of the information.

Despite the obstacles, in 2005 the Milwaukee County District Attorney’s Office opened itself to outside, independent researchers. This occurred when the Vera Institute of Justice reached out and asked to be allowed to enter the complicated and risk-averse space of the elected prosecutor. It did so on a topic that was and is considered a third rail of police and prosecution controversy: race.

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Will Wisconsin Chart Its Own Course on Environmental Issues?

The exterior of the U.S. Supreme Court building with white stone columns and a white facade.

In a series of recent cases, the United States Supreme Court has sharply restricted the power of the United States Environmental Protection Agency to effectively exercise jurisdiction over natural resources within the states. These include West Virginia v. EPA (endorsing the “major questions doctrine” and restricting EPA’s power to require cleaner energy generation without clear congressional authorization); Sackett v. EPA (limiting the scope of EPA’s authority over “waters of the United States,” and eliminating federal authority over many wetlands); Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo (overruling the Chevron doctrine of deferring to agency interpretations of law in most circumstances); SEC v. Jarkesy (holding that agencies may not employ in-house tribunals, in lieu of jury trials, when seeking civil penalties); and Corner Post v. Board of Governors, FRS (pausing the statute of limitations to challenge agency regulations until the plaintiff suffers injury).

The shift away from federal power elevates the role states can play in charting a course on environmental issues. The Sackett Court emphasized that states, not the EPA, hold the “primary responsibilities and rights . . . to prevent, reduce, and eliminate pollution” and “to plan the development and use . . . of land and water resources.” Some evidence supports the idea that states will be eager to fill gaps in federal regulation of the environment and corresponding enforcement activities. Wisconsin, for example, has a rich history of water law. All the way back in 1853, the Wisconsin Supreme Court endorsed the principle that “if [a] stream is navigable in fact, the public have the right to use it for the purposes of navigation, and the right of the owner [of abutting land] is subject to the public easement.” Jones v. Pettibone, 2 Wis. 308 (1853). In the 20th century, the state became a national leader in conservation and was at the vanguard of the development of the public trust doctrine.

Even in the 21st century, Wisconsin authorities have sometimes stepped in to protect the state’s natural resources when federal jurisdiction receded. In 2001, for example, the Supreme Court invalidated the “migratory bird rule,” under which federal agencies had exercised jurisdiction over pollutant discharges into certain isolated intrastate waters. The decision, Solid Waste Agency of Northern Cook County v. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, removed a sizeable percentage of wetlands from federal protection. The Wisconsin Legislature acted almost instantly, taking only a few months to enable state control over such discharges by creating a new category of “nonfederal wetlands.” The state law expressly addressed the Supreme Court’s decision. By its terms, it applies when discharges into wetlands are determined “not to be subject to regulation under [the federal Clean Water Act] due to the decision in Solid Waste Agency of Northern Cook County v. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers . . . or any subsequent interpretations of that decision by a federal agency or by a federal district or federal appellate court that applies to wetlands located in this state.” Wis. Stat. 281.36(1m)(a)1 (as created by 2001 Wisconsin Act 6). The act effectively restored protection of wetlands that the Supreme Court removed from federal jurisdiction in SWANCC, albeit under state authority. Later, the state implemented an innovative water quality trading program to help curb nonpoint source pollution and meet the state’s aggressive water quality limits for phosphorous pollution. Wisconsin citizens can be proud of the state’s progress in those areas and many others.

But more recent developments are less promising. The ballyhooed “Year of Clean Drinking Water in Wisconsin” was less successful than Governor Evers probably hoped. Similarly, after Assembly Speaker Robin Vos created a “Water Quality Task Force” in 2019, all thirteen of the bills it proposed died in the state Senate. In 2017, the Legislature removed some smaller wetlands from protection under state law, backtracking from the 2001 enactment. And the past few years have been marked by political skirmishes over the power of state agencies to enact groundwater standards for PFAS and other chemicals, disputes over the Department of Natural Resources’ power to require environmental cleanups, and the delayed release of state funds earmarked for remediation activities.

Wisconsin’s uneven record on environmental protection is certainly not unique. But the state–or rather, all the states–are being thrust to the forefront in such matters. Of course, a state will not necessarily regulate anew, or step up enforcement, just because it has the opportunity to do so. And any reckoning with environmental issues will no doubt have to wait until after the November elections currently dominating politics. Whenever the dust settles, it will be interesting to see how states respond in the new era of a somewhat-diminished EPA.

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Judicial Rotation in the Milwaukee County Circuit Court

Milwaukee County CourthouseI was asked recently by a reporter about judicial rotation in the Milwaukee County Circuit Court (Judicial Rotation Explained by an Insider). It brought back any number of memories—from my first rotation as a new judge to the rotation decisions that, years later, I was required to make as chief judge. In my new role on the Marquette Law School faculty, I hope in this blog post to provide some additional insight on both the practice and theory of judicial rotation.

In 2004, Chief Judge Michael P. Sullivan assigned me, a newly appointed circuit court judge, to the children’s division. I was told that new judges were assigned either there or to the criminal misdemeanor division. Chief Judge Sullivan informed me that I would rotate to another division in three to four years, based on the local rules or practices.

When it came time to rotate to another division, I, along with several other colleagues, tried to convince the new chief judge, Kitty Brennan, that judges assigned to children’s court should have the option of permanently remaining in the division or, at least, staying much longer than the four-year maximum. We were convinced that judicial specialization—having judges who are permanently assigned and dedicated to children’s court—would ensure the making of consistent decisions in the best interests of children, families, and public safety. We even had national data to support our request.

Chief Judge Brennan was not convinced. Focusing on the local rules, she gave a perspective on the virtues of judicial rotation. She believed that it was not only good to experience other assignments but to meet new lawyers and litigants. Even so, she exercised her discretion, and allowed me to remain at children’s court for one more year to finish a project—an unprecedented fifth year.

Thereafter, Judge Jeffrey Kremers was appointed chief by the Wisconsin Supreme Court. He assigned me to the misdemeanor division. where I presided over misdemeanor and felony domestic violence cases. The domestic violence courts were considered problem-solving courts. It was also an assignment where judges would preside over many jury trials, hear countless stories of intimate partner violence and child abuse, and repeatedly see graphic pictures of harm. I had discovered another reason for rotation, which I would also learn to be true in homicide and sexual assault assignments: Rotating judges to other “courts” (technically, other divisions in the same court) could be a salutary and welcomed change—not only for judges but for lawyers and litigants as well, I might add.

Four years later, I asked to rotate back to children’s court. I brought with me my better-honed judicial trial skills, knowledge of intimate partner violence and child abuse, and an understanding of the impact of trauma. I was more experienced this time and able to make more refined decisions for families. This broader range of knowledge and skills made me a better judge. It also supported my problem-solving court work in what we called Family Drug Treatment Court and Healthy Infant Court.
My final rotation was to the civil division. Truth be told, I didn’t ask to stay in the children’s division as I had requested so many years ago. I accepted Chief Judge Maxine White’s decision and her reasoning. In the civil division, I would be exposed to different legal issues, meet new lawyers, and use my skills in conflict resolution. It also turned out to help prepare me for my own later role as chief judge.
It was one thing to be rotated in and out of divisions but quite another thing to make rotation decisions. I became chief judge in February of 2020. Along with navigating the pandemic, I had to make significant decisions about rotation. Wisconsin Supreme Court Rule 70.23 addresses the assignment of circuit judges. Subsection (3) states:

The chief judge of each judicial administrative district shall design a plan for the rotation of judicial assignments in multijudge circuits within the district. The plan for each district shall be on file with and have the approval of the chief justice or his or her designee and shall be supervised and maintained by the chief judge as part of the permanent scheme of judicial administration. In designing a rotation plan, the chief judge shall do all of the following: (a) Equalize the workload in an equitable manner considering any special circumstances in each circuit. (b) Assure general jurisdiction availability and competence of all judges in the circuit.

The Milwaukee County Circuit Court rotation plan is published in Local Rule 146. It weighs heavily in favor of giving relatively senior judges their choice of assignment when it is their turn to rotate. It limits service in a division to one four-year term, which means that at least one-quarter of the 47 judges in Milwaukee rotate annually, usually on August 1. There also are “interim” rotations. These occur when there is a vacancy after a judge retires or leaves the bench for other reasons that do not coincide with the annual rotation. The local rule prescribes the process for interim rotations as well. As you can imagine, when a judge leaves, it necessarily means other judges will likely have to move.

About four months before annual rotation, the chief judge asks those who have been in an assignment for three and four years to list their top three choices for rotation. Those choices include the divisions of children’s, family, criminal misdemeanor, criminal felony, and civil. There are also intra-division assignments that need to be taken into consideration. For instance, rotating to the felony division could mean an assignment to a general felony, drug treatment court, drugs, guns, or a homicide and sexual assault calendar.

As chief judge, I always met with my leadership team to make rotation decisions. As you can imagine, other judges, judicial staff, and even lawyers often weighed in, one way or another. Finalizing rotation was quite time-consuming and complicated. I was always grateful for the rotating judge who told me to assign him or her “wherever you need me the most.” I tried to make sure that judges had the skills, stamina, and competencies necessary for their assignments. I was also mindful of judges’ (and their staff’s) exposure to significant trauma stories, such as listening to litigants recount their victimization, looking at videos of exploited children, or seeing the aftermath of car crashes. And, as with my predecessors as chief judge, I exercised discretion to make rotation and interim vacancy assignments that were in the best interests of the Milwaukee County Circuit Court.

Judicial rotation has been around for more than 40 years. It gives judges in Milwaukee County an opportunity to experience different divisions, meet a wide variety of lawyers, and build different skills sets. It can also be a chance to take a much-needed break from presiding over particular kinds of difficult cases. Up-to-date Chief Judge Directives, including those related to rotation, can be found here.

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